Islam and democratization in Indonesia

Islam and democratization in Indonesia

Civil Islam, Muslims and Democratization in Indonesia;
Robert W. Hefner; Published by Princeton University Press,
2000; Paperback, 286 pp.

JAKARTA (JP): The fall of president Soeharto in 1998, as many
believe, marks the beginning of democracy in Indonesia. One year
later, one of the most important elements of any democracy, a
fair and relatively "clean" general election was held.
Ironically, one can still witness religious and ethnic conflicts
in the provinces, which is, of course, saddening for those
waiting for true democracy to arrive.

As the majority of the population, (around 88 percent of a
total of 210 million people), Muslims should play a significant
role in the democratization process. There is still a long way to
go while objectives such as the achievement of pluralism, human
rights, equality and freedom of expression have not yet been
fully realized. The pessimistic belief about this situation is
that democracy does not belong to non-Western lands. Even though
it is cultivated here, it will never be fruitful. This is based
on Huntington's idea that democracy is an ethnocentric construct,
such that it will never be far away from Western seashores.

It is Robert W. Hefner, the author of the book, who challenges
this pessimism, asserting that as the world's largest Muslim
country, Indonesia is the most appropriate candidate for
democracy in Southeast Asia. Rather than being a Western-
ethnocentric construct, Hefner states that democracy can be found
in any civilization. Based on historical evidence, he argues, it
is proved that Islam in Indonesia has developed a huge tradition,
set of customs and cultural outlook which support pluralism,
inclusiveness and peace. It is this civilized Islam that can make
the ideals of democracy work.

The central theme of the book is whether religious
revitalization is compatible with democracy. It is to be noted
that there are two important, far-reaching events taking place at
the turn of the new millennium, namely, the global diffusion of
democracy and religious revitalization.

The move toward democracy actually began in Indonesia during
the presidency of Sukarno, the first president, during which it
was seriously set back by his Guided Democracy Policy which
established an authoritarian state.

During the Soeharto era, it was even worse. Prodemocracy
movements were always ruthlessly oppressed as the opponents of
Pancasila. Soeharto manipulated such terms as national stability
and economic growth to maintain his power and his pervasive crony
businesses.

This oppression resulted in the development of Islamic
revitalization being crushed in the country, especially since the
late 1970s. The new advent of Islamic revitalization is, to some
extent, related to globalization processes, in which such Western
ideas as democracy and modernity are imported to Islamic lands.
Globalization has been marked, to some extent, by secularization.
A number of Muslim groups responded to this phenomenon by making
statements likely to cause political damage and insecurity.

Instead of embracing democracy, they defend themselves by
rejecting any ideas imported from the West, arguing that such
adoption is the main reason for the position of Muslims within
the current world order. The way of life of the Prophet Muhammad
and the Disciples, they argue, are the best examples that should
be imitated by all Muslims. Islamic fundamentalism thus embodies
a strong desire to revive the Golden Ages of Islam. The presence
of such groups, usually termed Muslim fundamentalists, is
stigmatized as the antagonism of Islam toward democracy.

Being peripheral to the main lands of Islam, Indonesia has
been relatively safe from ideological rivalries and political
turmoils happening in the Middle Eastern countries. In spite of
the existence of Islamic fundamentalism in Indonesia, it has not
yet had any significant influence in society. For the last 30
years, Islamic fundamentalism has remained marginal in the
country. The answer is, according to Hefner, that any ideology
needs local sources and support. Islamic fundamentalism in
Indonesia thus does not have strong enough real social bases to
can support its continuity.

Based on his anthropological research, Hefner states that
Indonesian local sources are more in favor of civil Islam than
fundamentalism. Since the 1970s, religious discourse has been
dominated by those Muslim intellectuals who, following Nurcholish
Madjid's creed, invoke the principle, "Islam Yes, Islamic
Political Parties No". This discourse, which views Islam not in a
formalistic way, but rather on the basis of substantive
interpretations, has become the most important core in Indonesia
as well as Southeast Asian countries. It is on this basis that
Hefner says, "if any region of the world seemed well suited for
the issues of hybridity and globality, it was Southeast Asia."

Civil Islam has been the important issue for discussion in
Indonesia since the 1990s. Its presence in the Muslim world is
interconnected to the discourse of civil society in the Western
world. This term is preferably translated into Indonesian as
Masyarakaf Madani, a term popularized for the first time by Dato
Anwar Ibrahim from Malaysia. It is the fact that the existence of
civil society is the prerequisite for democracy. It should be
borne in mind, however, that there is no single entity of
democracy suitable for all periods and places. One should define
democracy based on one's own traditions and local sources. As in
the case of Christianity's contribution to democracy in the
United States, Indonesian Islam can make its best contribution
here. It therefore needs to be further developed to be compatible
with democracy, because, without its presence, democracy will not
work.

-- Jajang Jahroni

The writer is a lecturer at the School of Islamic Literature
of the State Academy of Islamic Studies (IAIN) Syahid Jakarta.