Islam and democratization in Indonesia

Civil Islam, Muslims and Democratization in Indonesia; Robert W. Hefner; Published by Princeton University Press, 2000; Paperback, 286 pp.

JAKARTA (JP): The fall of president Soeharto in 1998, as many believe, marks the beginning of democracy in Indonesia. One year later, one of the most important elements of any democracy, a fair and relatively "clean" general election was held. Ironically, one can still witness religious and ethnic conflicts in the provinces, which is, of course, saddening for those waiting for true democracy to arrive.

As the majority of the population, (around 88 percent of a total of 210 million people), Muslims should play a significant role in the democratization process. There is still a long way to go while objectives such as the achievement of pluralism, human rights, equality and freedom of expression have not yet been fully realized. The pessimistic belief about this situation is that democracy does not belong to non-Western lands. Even though it is cultivated here, it will never be fruitful. This is based on Huntington's idea that democracy is an ethnocentric construct, such that it will never be far away from Western seashores.

It is Robert W. Hefner, the author of the book, who challenges this pessimism, asserting that as the world's largest Muslim country, Indonesia is the most appropriate candidate for democracy in Southeast Asia. Rather than being a Western- ethnocentric construct, Hefner states that democracy can be found in any civilization. Based on historical evidence, he argues, it is proved that Islam in Indonesia has developed a huge tradition, set of customs and cultural outlook which support pluralism, inclusiveness and peace. It is this civilized Islam that can make the ideals of democracy work.

The central theme of the book is whether religious revitalization is compatible with democracy. It is to be noted that there are two important, far-reaching events taking place at the turn of the new millennium, namely, the global diffusion of democracy and religious revitalization.

The move toward democracy actually began in Indonesia during the presidency of Sukarno, the first president, during which it was seriously set back by his Guided Democracy Policy which established an authoritarian state.

During the Soeharto era, it was even worse. Prodemocracy movements were always ruthlessly oppressed as the opponents of Pancasila. Soeharto manipulated such terms as national stability and economic growth to maintain his power and his pervasive crony businesses.

This oppression resulted in the development of Islamic revitalization being crushed in the country, especially since the late 1970s. The new advent of Islamic revitalization is, to some extent, related to globalization processes, in which such Western ideas as democracy and modernity are imported to Islamic lands. Globalization has been marked, to some extent, by secularization. A number of Muslim groups responded to this phenomenon by making statements likely to cause political damage and insecurity.

Instead of embracing democracy, they defend themselves by rejecting any ideas imported from the West, arguing that such adoption is the main reason for the position of Muslims within the current world order. The way of life of the Prophet Muhammad and the Disciples, they argue, are the best examples that should be imitated by all Muslims. Islamic fundamentalism thus embodies a strong desire to revive the Golden Ages of Islam. The presence of such groups, usually termed Muslim fundamentalists, is stigmatized as the antagonism of Islam toward democracy.

Being peripheral to the main lands of Islam, Indonesia has been relatively safe from ideological rivalries and political turmoils happening in the Middle Eastern countries. In spite of the existence of Islamic fundamentalism in Indonesia, it has not yet had any significant influence in society. For the last 30 years, Islamic fundamentalism has remained marginal in the country. The answer is, according to Hefner, that any ideology needs local sources and support. Islamic fundamentalism in Indonesia thus does not have strong enough real social bases to can support its continuity.

Based on his anthropological research, Hefner states that Indonesian local sources are more in favor of civil Islam than fundamentalism. Since the 1970s, religious discourse has been dominated by those Muslim intellectuals who, following Nurcholish Madjid's creed, invoke the principle, "Islam Yes, Islamic Political Parties No". This discourse, which views Islam not in a formalistic way, but rather on the basis of substantive interpretations, has become the most important core in Indonesia as well as Southeast Asian countries. It is on this basis that Hefner says, "if any region of the world seemed well suited for the issues of hybridity and globality, it was Southeast Asia."

Civil Islam has been the important issue for discussion in Indonesia since the 1990s. Its presence in the Muslim world is interconnected to the discourse of civil society in the Western world. This term is preferably translated into Indonesian as Masyarakaf Madani, a term popularized for the first time by Dato Anwar Ibrahim from Malaysia. It is the fact that the existence of civil society is the prerequisite for democracy. It should be borne in mind, however, that there is no single entity of democracy suitable for all periods and places. One should define democracy based on one's own traditions and local sources. As in the case of Christianity's contribution to democracy in the United States, Indonesian Islam can make its best contribution here. It therefore needs to be further developed to be compatible with democracy, because, without its presence, democracy will not work.

-- Jajang Jahroni

The writer is a lecturer at the School of Islamic Literature of the State Academy of Islamic Studies (IAIN) Syahid Jakarta.