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Is TNI slowly regaining its grip on politics?

| Source: JP

Is TNI slowly regaining its grip on politics?

Imanuddin, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

After years of privilege under Soeharto's rule, the Indonesian
Military's (TNI) role in politics has been gradually fading since
1998. Freedom of speech, which began to flourish in that year,
stepped up intellectuals' pressure for the military to leave the
political stage.

The military finally relinquished its grip on the police
force, when the police separated from the military in April 1999.
The number of seats occupied by the military in the People's
Consultative Assembly (MPR) was reduced from 75 to only 38, and
they will no longer have any by 2009.

However, President Megawati Soekarnoputri's sudden
announcement agreeing to the planned reestablishment of the
Iskandar Muda Regional Military Command in the Aceh province of
Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam has shocked many.

The recent announcement, as conveyed through Minister of
Defense Matori Abdul Djalil, contradicts the ABRI (former name of
TNI) Headquarters' 1985 decision to reduce the total number of
regional military commands from 16 to 10 in observance of the
minimum state budget for the military. The Iskandar Muda Regional
Military Command was among the military commands affected by the
military reorganization in 1985.

Local Acehnese have expressed fear that the plan to
reestablish the military command in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam,
which has for years been troubled by separatism, would mean a
more violent and repressive approach of the military in handling
separatist activities in the province.

Military observers, however, have a different perspective on
the planned reestablishment of the military command. They said it
was an indication that the TNI might be preparing to regain
control of the country's political affairs.

They also said that the government's desire to reestablish the
military command in Aceh, and probably elsewhere in the future,
was a clear indication that the military was rebuilding its
political infrastructure.

One observer, Kusnanto Anggoro of the Centre for Strategic and
International Studies (CSIS), said at a recent seminar that the
reestablishment of a military command in Aceh was a sensible
indication that TNI might be preparing a comeback in the
country's political arena.

He also accused TNI of being involved in internal conflicts
within political parties, which had made politicians eager to
serve their own interests and thereby forgetting to further
encourage strong civilian institutions. He cited the current
internal conflicts at Golkar, the National Awakening Party (PKB)
and the United Development Party (PPP).

The bargaining position of the military has also been
strengthening, as is obvious from the government's indecisive
stand in dealing with the numerous violations of human rights, in
which the military is suspected.

Former chairman of the Commission for Missing Persons and
Victims of Violence (Kontras) Munir cited the delayed tribunal
for military officers implicated in rights abuses in East Timor
(in 1999) as an example.

The return of TNI to take control of the country's political
affairs is also the responsibility of the country's civilian
government.

Kusnanto and Munir said that the deployment of about 1,000
troops last July in the vicinity of the state palace was to
intimidate then president Abdurrahman Wahid, who was facing
impeachment at the time, into immediately resigning. Abdurrahman
was known as a leader who wanted to see the military out of
politics.

Abdurrahman was later removed from office during a Special
Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) last July. He
was replaced by his deputy Megawati Soekarnoputri.

But what are the reasons for TNI to regain its grip on the
country's political affairs?

Many high-ranking and promising TNI officers have expressed
their commitment with a reform movement. While citing the reforms
that TNI has been implementing in the military, they have also
expressed their commitment to focus on and develop their
professionalism in military affairs and to quit politics.

Whether there is a connection or not in this issue, the fact
that history repeats itself is an undeniable fact.

Then president Abdurrahman's moves to "hastily" bring TNI out
of politics angered officers, at least those, either retired or
active, who have an influence on the military.

It was Abdurrahman's defense minister, Mahfud MD, who revealed
in October 2000 that the former president had made some 127
active generals quit their military career after offering them
civilian posts. But Abdurrahman's decision to "simplify" the
government's organizational structure has rendered them without a
position.

TNI Headquarters questioned the accuracy of the figure
revealed by Mahfud, but it admitted that there were a few dozen
generals with no positions.

If we look back on the incidents of the early 1950s, a series
of rationalizations in the military had destabilized the
political condition during that period and eventually contributed
to the downfall of founding president Sukarno.

The rationalization of 1950, which reduced the total number of
military personnel from 500,000 to 200,000, caused an abundance
of retired officers. Many of them, who were dissatisfied with
their early retirement, joined forces with opposition groups,
criticizing and condemning the ruling government.

A planned rationalization in 1952 to reduce the number of
troops from 200,000 to only 120,00 shook the military and
government.

Sukarno was ousted from presidency during a Special Session of
the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) in 1967
after a nationwide campaign against communism a few years before,
which peaked with the controversial abortive coup of the now
defunct Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) in September 1965.

The fact that TNI will no longer have seats in the legislative
body within the next few years has likely put it in a difficult
position in which its officers could be deployed.

Then Army chief of staff Gen. Rudini, who was among the
initiators of the 1985 reorganization of the military, once said
that the restructuring of ABRI should not harm its members. He
was referring to the events in the early 1950s.

Megawati, who is the daughter of Sukarno, must have learned
from her father's case. She must put all her efforts into winning
the support of TNI, at least until she completes her term in
2004.

And that is probably the reason why her government has
endorsed the planned reestablishment of the Iskandar Muda
Regional Military Command in the troubled province of Nanggroe
Aceh Darussalam.

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