Is KL-S'pore reunification likely?

Is KL-S'pore reunification likely?

By David Chew

SINGAPORE (JP): The subject of Singapore rejoining Malaysia
can arouse considerable interest among the peoples of both
countries each time it is raised and discussed in public.

It is an issue close to the hearts of many people in both
countries, who had been affected by the traumatic event of
Singapore's exit from Malaysia 31 years ago.

This is mainly due to the special ties which continue to bind
both countries together, based on economics, geography, culture,
security and a common history, to name a few.

Reunification was broached by Singapore Senior Minister Lee
Kuan Yew at a function organized by the Press Club and Foreign
Correspondents Association in Singapore on June 7. Lee, in reply
to a question, mentioned the possibility of the island republic
rejoining Malaysia on two possible conditions: Malaysia is to
practice meritocracy and treat all races equally instead of
according the indigenous Malays a privileged position. Malaysia
is to successfully pursue the same goals as Singapore to bring
maximum economic benefit to its people.

In his comments on media reports of the much-publicized event
the next day, Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad did not
rule out the long-term possibility of Singapore rejoining
Malaysia, but nevertheless characterized the merger of both
territories, separated by a narrow causeway, as remote at this
stage.

It would not be in the cards so long as some Malays were still
not prepared to accept the country's Chinese and Indian
minorities as equals. This made it difficult for the Malaysian
government to discard or even modify its policy of affirmative
action, which gives ethnic Malays special treatment. Mahathir
also pointed out that Malaysia had the same right as Singapore to
insist on conditions for reunification.

Lee's remarks and Mahathir's response came at a time when
bilateral ties were at their most cordial level since Singapore
separated from the federation on Aug. 9, 1965, following a bitter
quarrel with the government over what a future multi-racial
Malaysian nation should be.

The People's Action Party (PAP), led by Lee, who was prime
minister from 1959 to 1990, had wanted a Malaysia where all races
-- Malays, Chinese, Indians and North Bornean natives -- would
have equal rights. But the Alliance, the precursor of the
National Front (NF) government led by the United Malays National
Organization (UMNO), stood for a Malaysian nation, where Malays
as indigenous peoples would have more rights than others.

The mud-slinging between the PAP and Alliance led to racial
tension. This occurred at the time president Sukarno was
vigorously pursuing Indonesia's "confrontation" to crush
Malaysia, which he had regarded as a British neo-colonialist
plot. Fearing nationwide trouble between the Malays and Chinese,
which could break up Malaysia much to the delight of Sukarno, the
then Malaysian prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, asked
Singapore to leave Malaysia.

It has taken both countries a good three decades to forge and
cement their cordial ties after having first gone through the
traumatic period of an operation which separated Siamese twins
and then the post-operation period of adjusting to each other as
separate, independent nations with all the related problems. The
path to cordial ties had, as expected, been strewn with various
kinds of obstacles, the biggest being the mutual suspicion and
mistrust between both countries as a result of negative
perceptions at the time.

While Singapore perceived Malaysia as an inept Malay-dominated
society out to make things difficult for the Chinese and Indian
minorities, Malaysia regarded Singapore as an unscrupulous
Chinese-dominated state where the Malay minority had been
effectively marginalized.

Naturally, both countries were embarking on policies to
protect their respective interests. This inevitably led to
rivalry, going against any built-in tendencies for both to
cooperate for mutual benefit, which their shared ties of
economics, geography, culture, security and history provided.

It was only from 1981 after Mahathir became prime minister
that the negative perceptions each country had of the other
underwent a significant change. With that, the foundation for
cordial, bilateral ties was firmly laid, seeking to tap whatever
advantages of cooperation that shared ties in various areas
offered.

Unlike his predecessors -- especially the late Tunku Abdul
Rahman, Malaysia's first prime minister -- Mahathir had a
"meeting of minds" with Lee. This had been facilitated by their
close friendship right from the days when Singapore was part of
Malaysia, even though Mahathir -- then an Alliance back-bencher
-- clashed frequently with Lee in parliament.

The meeting of minds had enabled both leaders to clear any
misunderstandings existing between the two countries, which could
arise from the voluminous dealings each has with the other
because of their geographical proximity and economic
interdependence.

Once this premise was adopted and mutual mistrust and
suspicion allayed, it was easy for both leaders to chart courses
of cooperation, especially in the realm of economics, at a time
when both countries were seeking agendas to improve the living
standards of their respective peoples. Singapore aims to achieve
1982 Swiss living standards by 1999, while Malaysia intends to
become an industrialized nation through "Vision 2020". They also
encouraged their younger leaders, who had not shared a common
"growing up" experience, to get to know one another better
through more informal visits and contacts.

It is understandable for any cursory observer of Malaysia and
Singapore affairs to conclude that growing cordial bilateral
ties, especially in the realm of economics, could lead to a
situation where the two countries would once again be one
political entity, as they had been from 1963-1965.

The reasons may be valid, indeed even compelling. Malaysia and
Singapore could benefit in more ways than one from political
union, which gives government sanction to economic policies. In
an era where international trade can play an important role in
raising living standards, Peninsular Malaysia and Singapore can
complement each other as a hinterland and port from the
perspective of geography.

Malaysia, following the principle of comparative advantage to
save costs, could utilize Singapore's efficiency as the world's
busiest port for its burgeoning exports overseas. In turn, the
land and resource-scarce island republic could once again have
recourse to its traditional hinterland to ease congestion and
tension in the fast-paced modern society Singapore was becoming.
It would also be easier for younger Singaporeans to fan out to a
bigger country to realize their dreams of owning houses and cars,
which are comparatively cheaper in Malaysia.

But a closer examination of the issue points to many questions
as regards what role Singapore would play in a reunion with
Malaysia. This, bearing in mind that over a period of 31 years
since their independence, both countries had pursued separate but
successful development paths to achieve political stability and
economic success.

While Singapore has become the world's busiest port, a
technological hub in Southeast Asia and the gateway to the
tourist resorts of the region, Malaysia's resource-rich economy
is booming, having consistently recorded high growth rates of 8
percent annually for the past eight years, making it an
investment haven among foreigners.

On the political front, the different nation-building policies
of both countries have also crystallized since 1965. While
Malaysia has reaffirmed its policy of Malay supremacy with some
concession for non-Malay rights, Singapore has become a Chinese-
dominated meritocracy doing its best to help the Malay minority
progress. Both governments had received resounding mandates from
their citizens to rule in recent general elections.

Reunification would require the leaders of both countries to
work out how each can accommodate the interests and rights of the
other. Given their respective strong positions, the tough
bargaining is expected to be even more intense than what had
transpired between Alliance and PAP leaders in London in 1962,
one year before Singapore joined Malaysia.

Among the possible issues to be brought up are: Would
Singapore, under the control of the Federal Government, be
allowed to continue pursuing policies which have guaranteed its
success over the past 31 years, but which could work to Kuala
Lumpur's disadvantage? On the other side of the coin, would
Malaysia be prepared to accept a situation where the influx of
two million Singapore Chinese could alter the country's racial
equation from one of a Malay dominance of 60 percent to a
plurality where Malay comprise only 48 percent of the total
population?

Given the bitterness of Singapore's brief sojourn in Malaysia,
the ruling parties of both countries are unlikely to have a
political reunion, simply because their core policies are too
much in conflict. They would lead to a reopening of old wounds
inflicted on both parties as a result of the bitter mudslinging
when Singapore was part of Malaysia.

Although the NF and PAP appear to take a somewhat liberal
attitude in bending backwards to accommodate minority interests,
this should not be misconstrued as a reversal of their respective
core policies of a Malay-dominated polity with lesser rights for
non-Malays and a meritocracy with equal rights for all races. It
merely means that strong government can afford to be generous in
giving concessions.

Mahathir, whose UMNO appears to be stronger at every general
election, has bent backwards to accommodate the non-Malays,
displaying a liberal attitude towards the use of the English
language in the private sector and encouraging joint ventures
between the Malays and Chinese in business. These are seen by
Malay radicals as compromising the unchallenged position of
Bahasa Malaysia as the national language and preference in trade
opportunities for ethnic Malays.

Singapore has also done much to help its Malay minority within
the context of meritocracy, as evidenced by the success stories
of many Malay entrepreneurs and professionals in the republic.

Since reunification is unlikely -- at least for the "next 300
years" according to a Malaysian Chinese leader Dr Ling Liong Sik
-- both countries will continue to treat each other as good
neighbors in the foreseeable future. It is a mutually acceptable
policy in which each accepts the adage that `what is good for one
may not necessarily be so for the other'. But that does not mean
that both cannot cooperate to tap the advantages derived from
common bonds in economics, geography, culture, security and
history, for mutual benefit.

The writer is a free-lance journalist based in Singapore.