Is an East Timor reconciliation possible?

Is an East Timor reconciliation possible?

By Aleksius Jemadu

BANDUNG (JP): The placement of the United Nations peacekeeping
force in East Timor may not automatically lead to a smooth
transition to the establishment of an independent state of East
Timor.

The process of healing the deep wounds caused by an endless
exchange of vengeance will not come easy. What kind
of political accommodations should be given to the prointegration
group that can be accepted by all conflicting parties? Is it
enough for them to be given a promise of full amnesty by the
National Council of Timorese Resistance (CNRT) leader Jose
Alexandre "Xanana" Gusmao?

Or should East Timor be divided into two with the Western part
being integrated into Indonesia?

These are questions which demand immediate solutions so that
permanent peace can be established in East Timor.

From the statements made by the prointegration leaders
following the announcement of the final results of the vote, we
learned that they accused the United Nations Assistance Mission
in East Timor (UNAMET) of being in favor of the interests of the
proindependence group.

Before the referendum, prointegration leaders were optimistic
about their chances of winning. Their optimism was based on the
fact that most East Timorese were enthusiastic in using their
political rights in the Indonesian general election held less
than two months earlier. How could the same people
choose to separate from Indonesia?

There is no doubt the prointegration group will fight for
their political goals by peaceful means if possible and by
physical force if necessary. When asked about the partition of
East Timor, Lopez da Cruz, Indonesia's ambassador for East Timor,
said that there should be new negotiations about the issue and
some compromises should be reached (Far Eastern Economic Review,
Sept. 9).

It is not going to be easy for the United Nations to ask the
prointegration militias to accept unconditionally the victory of
the proindependence group. Not only are the numbers of these
militias large but they are also well-trained and equipped by the
Indonesian Army. They have the capability to conduct a military
provocation to draw the United Nations peacekeeping forces into
an unnecessary armed conflict like the one in Somalia or Kosovo.

The prointegration leaders have rejected the presence of
foreign peace-keepers in East Timor. They called instead for
humanitarian aid for refugees. On top of that they could use
human rights arguments to justify their political demands.

Otherwise, they would use guerrilla warfare tactics to make
their message heard by the international community. If that was
the case, East Timorese would only be prolonging their
suffering.

The following is an alternative policy option to be considered
as a peaceful mechanism to accommodate the political demands of
the prointegration group.

First of all, the prointegration group has to accept the
victory of the proindependence group in accordance with the
agreement or consensus made before the vote.

But then the prointegration group should be given the
opportunity to participate in the new government. Therefore,
under the supervision of the United Nations, a general election
should be conducted in East Timor. Thus, the victory of the
proindependence group in the referendum may not be seen as a
political mandate for monopolizing the whole structure of the new
government.

In the spirit of reconciliation, some sort of power sharing
can be arranged for the unity of the nation as a whole.

There are several political advantages if this policy option
is adopted. First, it is in line with the political goals of
proindependence leader Xanana Gusmao, who wants to unite the
people of East Timor by letting bygones be bygones.

Moreover, the newly established government will have strong
legitimacy because it is chosen through a democratic election.
All eligible East Timorese should have the opportunity to
participate in the election. Thus, they themselves decide
the form of government suitable for their existing conditions.

The prointegration group which is most likely to lose in such
an election could function as an opposition party.

Second, the incorporation of the prointegration group into the
newly established government will minimize the risk of creating a
new kind of civil war. The division of East Timor into two parts
with the Western part being integrated into Indonesia cannot be
justified because it would be a blatant denial of the results of
the Aug. 30 referendum.

If the western part of East Timor should become part of
Indonesia and the eastern part become an independent state then
the latter will face a tremendous constraint to build a good
relationship with Indonesia. And the conflict between the two
could become a new source of regional instability in Southeast
Asia.

Conversely, if there is a good relationship between
Indonesia and the newly independent East Timor, the latter's
incorporation into ASEAN can be facilitated.

Last but not least, like people of other nations the East
Timorese also want lasting peace and order in their land. They
cannot be forced to get involved in another aimless civil war
just for the sake of the political ambitions of their political
elite.

The limited economic resources of East Timor should be used
for the greatest benefit of the people as a whole. It is now high
time for East Timorese to start a new page in their political
history. Why should they continue to write their history with
blood?

Aleksius Jemadu Ph.D is a lecturer in international relations
at the Parahyangan Catholic University, Bandung.