Indonesia is searching for global role

Indonesia is searching for global role

By Rizal Sukma

JAKARTA (JP): The Indonesian Ambassador to the United Nations
Nugroho Wisnumurti said recently that President Soeharto would
attend the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) summit of
members' heads of states early next year (The Jakarta Post, 9
November 1994).

The pronouncement reflects Indonesia's determination to engage
itself in the common efforts of nations to seek solutions to
global issues. However, as Ambassador Nugroho has said,
Indonesia's role in the UNSC would be a difficult one due to the
outstanding international problems. In other words, Indonesia's
present status as a non-permanent member of the UNSC presents a
great challenge for the country's foreign policy.

Two questions are of particular interest here. First, is it
really necessary for Indonesia to devote its energy and pay more
attention to attempts at seeking solutions to global problems?
Second, what is the exact role that Indonesia should play in the
UNSC?

The answer to these two questions are significant for
establishing the rationale behind Indonesia's move, and outlining
a strategy to be considered by Indonesia. A deeper engagement in
wider international issues and problems needs a strong
commitment, and that requires a solid and sensible approach.

Indonesia's eagerness to play an active role in the UNSC was
made public when Jakarta made its bid to become a non-permanent
member of the body. The bid should be seen, and understood, from
the overall trends in Indonesia's foreign policy since the mid-
1980s. After more than 15 years of being charged with "low
profile," the commemoration of the 30th Anniversary of Afro-Asian
Conference in April 1985 in Bandung served as a starting point
for Indonesia to show its desire to make a comeback to the
international stage. Since then, Indonesia's foreign policy has
become more and more active, while at the same time maintaining
its independent course more firmly. Thus, by the year 1990
Indonesia could be seen embarking upon a new course of foreign
policy which emphasized both active and independence elements of
its bebas-aktif (actively open) foreign policy.

Of course one could have a long and sophisticated debate on
the most important driving force behind the resurgence of
Indonesia's foreign policy. As suggested by Michael Vatikiotis,
the relative success of economic development at home has for sure
been considered as one factor, and this success in turn bred
self-confidence (Contemporary Southeast Asia, March 1993). Self-
confidence then naturally encouraged Jakarta to widen its
involvement in international affairs beyond the traditional
boundary of ASEAN (even though ASEAN remains the cornerstone of
Indonesia's foreign policy). People agree that the time has come
for Indonesia to further carry out the task assigned to it by the
Preamble of the 1945 Constitution, that is, the obligation to
participate in maintaining world peace and order.

Indonesia's bid for the chairmanship of Non-Aligned Movement
(NAM) in 1993, and its actual leadership for the period 1993-
1995, suggests Jakarta's growing interest in issues related to
the developing world. In Jakarta's view, the end of the Cold War
provided a new rational for reviving the idea of inter-South and
North-South co-operations. This view is supported by the changing
reality of international relations which no longer emphasizes a
narrow, military-confined concept of security, but has shifted to
that of a comprehensive one to include other aspects of life such
as economic, environment, and human rights.

This new reality of world politics of course needs a new
approach. The management of international relations in the post-
Cold War period can no longer be left alone in the hands of Great
Powers. As many events have shown, the Great Powers, which still
retains "prestigious" seats as the permanent members of the UNSC,
are no longer considered "great" in dealing with post-Cold War
international issues. For example, they have become ineffective
in coping with the Bosnian conflict, not to mention their
limitations in dealing with other issues such as the eradication
of poverty in the Third World.

It is in the above context that Indonesia's role in the UNSC
has become significant and indeed necessary. As the Chairman of
NAM, together with Nigeria, Botswana, Oman, and Rwanda as other
non-permanent members of the UNSC, Indonesia can suggest two
things to the Council. First, the Council should take into
account the fact that developing countries are the majority in
the UN. Therefore, the UNSC should pay more attention to problems
faced by the developing world. Second, the Council should realize
that the developing world has the same right as other Great
Powers in managing world affairs. However, it should be added
here that the two suggestions should be delivered in a
cooperative tone rather then in a confrontational one.

Besides the two suggestions, other related questions should
also be raised: What other issues could Indonesia promote during
its two year membership in the UNSC and after? First, Indonesia
should cooperate with other NAM members in the UNSC to probe the
possibility of restructuring the Council itself. It should be
stressed, however, that the current arrangements are no longer
relevant, since the world itself has undergone significant
changes. There is a pressing need for restructuring the UNSC to
reflect the new reality of international relations.

Second, even though Indonesia has not yet voiced its desire to
be a permanent member of the UNSC, there is nothing wrong if it
begins to probe and study the possibility further. Foreign
Minister Ali Alatas himself has commenced upon this course. In a
recent hearing with legislators at the House of Representatives,
Minister Alatas maintained that Indonesia is indeed qualified to
be a permanent member of the Council if the criteria of
membership were based on equitable geographic representation,
size of population, strategic location, political and economic
leverage, and an outstanding role in maintaining international
peace and security.

This agenda, along with the suggestions mentioned above, could
serve as the basic objectives of Indonesia's global role in
international politics. Of course there are other objectives that
Indonesia can adopt with regard to such a role. Nonetheless, if
Indonesia is about to play a global role, then the agenda
mentioned above is the minimum requirement that should be
considered by Indonesia.

The writer is a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and
International Studies, Jakarta; and a Ph.D Candidate at the
Department of International Relations, the London School of
Economics and Political Science (LSE), United Kingdom.

Window: The management of international relations in the post
Cold War period can no longer be left alone in the hands of
Great Powers.