Indonesia is searching for global role
By Rizal Sukma
JAKARTA (JP): The Indonesian Ambassador to the United Nations Nugroho Wisnumurti said recently that President Soeharto would attend the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) summit of members' heads of states early next year (The Jakarta Post, 9 November 1994).
The pronouncement reflects Indonesia's determination to engage itself in the common efforts of nations to seek solutions to global issues. However, as Ambassador Nugroho has said, Indonesia's role in the UNSC would be a difficult one due to the outstanding international problems. In other words, Indonesia's present status as a non-permanent member of the UNSC presents a great challenge for the country's foreign policy.
Two questions are of particular interest here. First, is it really necessary for Indonesia to devote its energy and pay more attention to attempts at seeking solutions to global problems? Second, what is the exact role that Indonesia should play in the UNSC?
The answer to these two questions are significant for establishing the rationale behind Indonesia's move, and outlining a strategy to be considered by Indonesia. A deeper engagement in wider international issues and problems needs a strong commitment, and that requires a solid and sensible approach.
Indonesia's eagerness to play an active role in the UNSC was made public when Jakarta made its bid to become a non-permanent member of the body. The bid should be seen, and understood, from the overall trends in Indonesia's foreign policy since the mid- 1980s. After more than 15 years of being charged with "low profile," the commemoration of the 30th Anniversary of Afro-Asian Conference in April 1985 in Bandung served as a starting point for Indonesia to show its desire to make a comeback to the international stage. Since then, Indonesia's foreign policy has become more and more active, while at the same time maintaining its independent course more firmly. Thus, by the year 1990 Indonesia could be seen embarking upon a new course of foreign policy which emphasized both active and independence elements of its bebas-aktif (actively open) foreign policy.
Of course one could have a long and sophisticated debate on the most important driving force behind the resurgence of Indonesia's foreign policy. As suggested by Michael Vatikiotis, the relative success of economic development at home has for sure been considered as one factor, and this success in turn bred self-confidence (Contemporary Southeast Asia, March 1993). Self- confidence then naturally encouraged Jakarta to widen its involvement in international affairs beyond the traditional boundary of ASEAN (even though ASEAN remains the cornerstone of Indonesia's foreign policy). People agree that the time has come for Indonesia to further carry out the task assigned to it by the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution, that is, the obligation to participate in maintaining world peace and order.
Indonesia's bid for the chairmanship of Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in 1993, and its actual leadership for the period 1993- 1995, suggests Jakarta's growing interest in issues related to the developing world. In Jakarta's view, the end of the Cold War provided a new rational for reviving the idea of inter-South and North-South co-operations. This view is supported by the changing reality of international relations which no longer emphasizes a narrow, military-confined concept of security, but has shifted to that of a comprehensive one to include other aspects of life such as economic, environment, and human rights.
This new reality of world politics of course needs a new approach. The management of international relations in the post- Cold War period can no longer be left alone in the hands of Great Powers. As many events have shown, the Great Powers, which still retains "prestigious" seats as the permanent members of the UNSC, are no longer considered "great" in dealing with post-Cold War international issues. For example, they have become ineffective in coping with the Bosnian conflict, not to mention their limitations in dealing with other issues such as the eradication of poverty in the Third World.
It is in the above context that Indonesia's role in the UNSC has become significant and indeed necessary. As the Chairman of NAM, together with Nigeria, Botswana, Oman, and Rwanda as other non-permanent members of the UNSC, Indonesia can suggest two things to the Council. First, the Council should take into account the fact that developing countries are the majority in the UN. Therefore, the UNSC should pay more attention to problems faced by the developing world. Second, the Council should realize that the developing world has the same right as other Great Powers in managing world affairs. However, it should be added here that the two suggestions should be delivered in a cooperative tone rather then in a confrontational one.
Besides the two suggestions, other related questions should also be raised: What other issues could Indonesia promote during its two year membership in the UNSC and after? First, Indonesia should cooperate with other NAM members in the UNSC to probe the possibility of restructuring the Council itself. It should be stressed, however, that the current arrangements are no longer relevant, since the world itself has undergone significant changes. There is a pressing need for restructuring the UNSC to reflect the new reality of international relations.
Second, even though Indonesia has not yet voiced its desire to be a permanent member of the UNSC, there is nothing wrong if it begins to probe and study the possibility further. Foreign Minister Ali Alatas himself has commenced upon this course. In a recent hearing with legislators at the House of Representatives, Minister Alatas maintained that Indonesia is indeed qualified to be a permanent member of the Council if the criteria of membership were based on equitable geographic representation, size of population, strategic location, political and economic leverage, and an outstanding role in maintaining international peace and security.
This agenda, along with the suggestions mentioned above, could serve as the basic objectives of Indonesia's global role in international politics. Of course there are other objectives that Indonesia can adopt with regard to such a role. Nonetheless, if Indonesia is about to play a global role, then the agenda mentioned above is the minimum requirement that should be considered by Indonesia.
The writer is a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Jakarta; and a Ph.D Candidate at the Department of International Relations, the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), United Kingdom.
Window: The management of international relations in the post Cold War period can no longer be left alone in the hands of Great Powers.