Tue, 22 Oct 2002

Indigenous beliefs and state policies

Muhamad Ali, Lecturer, State Islamic University (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, muhamad@hawaii.edu

Why have indigenous beliefs survived in some parts of Indonesia? Should state policies encourage their conversion to a world religion? Indigenous beliefs do not seem to show any sign of disappearing in Indonesia. Sometimes these are blended with a major religion, as with the Aceh and Islam, and the Batak and Christianity. Traditional religious groups are considered as separate entries: See Acehnese belief, Balinese belief, Batak belief, Borneon belief, Bugis Religion, Javanese belief and Toraja belief.

In addition, there are remnants of isolated peoples who follow a hunter-gatherer way of life with little cultivation. Examples of these are the Sakkudei who live on the island of Siberut off western Sumatra, the Kubu in the forests of Sumatra, the Punan in Borneo (Kalimantan), and the Da'a of Sulawesi. Sumba is the only island in Indonesia where a majority of the population adhere to their traditional religion.

Many features of spirit beliefs have survived even after the arrival of world religions and European nation-states. Their survival has been caused by their own desire to preserve their ancestors customs. As a general characteristic, there is a strong connection between individuals and ancestors; they believe that their forefathers' beliefs are good and thus necessary to preserve.

In animism communities, the parents are used to teaching their children about their beliefs without significant obstacles. They live collectivism lives together so that they have enough time and resources to teach their ancestors' beliefs. Though indigenous beliefs are not missionary in nature, the parents attempt to bequeath what they believe to their children and families. They find it easier to give their children the spiritual rather than the material. Spiritual inheritance for them is more valuable than material things because it is more enduring.

In addition, some of these minorities do not fully believe in what outsiders (religious missionaries or state officials or modern doctors) have told them to believe. "You, the outsider, will not completely heal my disease", "When I am sick the medicine you send won't heal all my sicknesses," they would say. Since they believe that the illnesses come from supernatural forces, they will not accept outside treatment unless they also receive treatment by their own spiritual healer.

Spirit beliefs are very concerned with the some of the most mundane matters. They tend not to be engaged with things that are far away and untouchable. They are close to what is familiar: dreams, health and disease, and death. They are not related much to 'heaven', God as the creator, or written matters. Although some beliefs, like that of Dayak peoples, are concerned with the "Upper-world" as well as the Underworld, their conceptualization remains simple and easy to grasp. It is also not difficult for them to perform their rituals and offerings because they have easy access to the materials they need: jungles, land, plantations, stones and animals.

Spirit beliefs have been also flexible. For a number of animists, different loyalties can be compatible. Despite the encroachment of world religions and the nation-state, they don't find it too difficult to show multi or dual loyalty.

There are also some external factors relating to the government authorities and world religions. Spirit beliefs have survived also because local and national authorities in Southeast Asia in general, have had some kind of "good intention" to preserve some elements of their customs.

The reasons behind this intention could be politics or economics. Especially in terms of tourism, some beliefs and customs are preserved, others are modified, while many others are left behind and disappear. It is obvious that tourism in Indonesia is one of the major sources of state revenues due to the diversity and exoticism: Dances and art performances, sculpture, clothing and fabric, and other interesting features of spirit beliefs are all a major part of the tourist industry here.

World religions also have some elements of belief of the "unseen", which many times coexists with indigenous spirit beliefs. Many people who adhere to spirit belief systems have converted in one way or another to one of the world religions but they still may practice some of their previous rituals.

In this respect, the possible relationships between indigenous beliefs and world religions are either coexistence or syncretism. Both forms of interaction have, to different degrees, contributed to the survival of indigenous beliefs.

Given the fact that indigenous beliefs have their own right to survival, the Indonesian government should not force people to incorporate themselves into any world religion. This suggestion makes sense because there should be no compulsion in religion. Every society has had its own value system which needs recognition and respect.

If one were encouraged or obliged to convert to a particular religion, while he or she is unwilling to, the quality and impact of her or his religiosity would not be as strong as expected by world religious leaders.

Unfortunately, many spirit beliefs are extinct due to the government's policies. The Dayaks for example were forced to adapt a religion which was acknowledged by the government. With an eye more on unity of the Indonesian archipelago (centralization), the government tends not to pay attention to local beliefs. Yet, in the future, under the reform movement and decentralization, there is some optimism to reverse that trend. That is to create and apply policies that are on the one hand not hampering national integrity and stability but on the other hand, not destroying the existence of local beliefs.

This policies can include the establishment of administrative, social, and cultural infrastructure which is more responsive to the rights, responsibilities and needs of all the people, irrespective of their beliefs, race or any other differences.

The forms of that general policy can be either 'official recognition' or 'pillarization'. The first policy means to grant spirit believers the official status as a public institution with regard to their religions. They would be given the rights to pursue their beliefs and rituals, to get married, to make feasts, and to have an access to state money. Although this can be criticized as bureaucratization, the purpose is to give all the existing beliefs equal status and opportunities.

The second policy signifies that the government can create cultural enclaves in which spirit beliefs are preserved and free from destructive outside forces. An ideal sub-culture pillar is when each spirit belief community is able to live their whole life from birth until death according to their own ethical standards.

The underlying assumption of both policies is that religious pluralism is not merely de facto, but also de jure. Any kind of discrimination must be minimized and there should be no imposition against minorities.

Modern concepts of religious freedom should also include spirit beliefs. Indigenous beliefs and all the existing old and new religions, should be given an equal space to express their own beliefs, as longs as they do not harm the freedom of others and as long as they are responsible.

The writer is a PhD history student and an East-West Center Fellow in Hawaii, U.S.