Independent Aceh: Just a matter of time?

Lesley McCulloch, Research Associate, University of Tasmania, Australia

In Aceh, says Dr Hasan Di Tiro, "we are fighting a people's war." "The Acehnese have given the movement their loyalty," says the self-exiled leader of the Aceh Sumatra National Liberation Front (ASNLF). That is why Indonesia can never win, he says. This independence movement has recently renamed itself The State of Aceh. Hasan Tiro has therefore become "Head of State."

"Directing our soldiers to be disciplined is one of our priorities. We do this to be more effective in our current conflict with Indonesia, but also as part of our preparation for the future of Aceh", interjects Teungku (Tgk) Malik, the newly appointed Prime Minister in waiting.

Sitting next to Tgk Malik in an interview with the writer in Stockholm, Dr Tiro nods in agreement with his Prime Minister. But these positions are, for the moment at least, academic. Aceh is technically part of Indonesia. The State of Aceh, and its government is not recognized by the international community.

Hasan di Tiro has been in Sweden since 1979. This has led many to question whether these distant leaders have the mandate of the Acehnese. Indeed, it appears the movement does enjoy popular support.

As the repression and brutality of the Indonesian armed forces has increased, the loyalty of the Acehnese toward these distant leaders has only strengthened. Many in Aceh view the movement as their only alternative.

From their base in Sweden, this government in exile, which also includes a Foreign Minister and an Information Officer, has already begun a program of nation-building. Meanwhile in Aceh, in Indonesia's far north-western corner, a 30-year war continues to be fought -- with increasing intensity.

Last year, almost 2,000 people died as a result of the conflict, many more remain missing (presumed dead), hundreds have been tortured, women raped and property and infrastructure destroyed. And already this year, almost 900 people have died.

According to Malik, "the people will not be disappointed. The democratic processes and structures we have planned for Aceh will benefit all Acehnese. Today in Aceh, a system of government is in place that benefits only the pro-Jakarta elite, this must end."

Indeed, the federal system of government being planned, and the mechanisms of implementation and evaluation are a far cry from the brutal and authoritarian methods used by the Indonesian government and its' military as they seek to control the province.

This nation-building process from the outside is, according to Di Tiro, "something we must do. We will gain independence, and when we do, we must be ready." He adds, "You must understand, our people have suffered so much. It is our duty to prepare, so that we do not disappoint them."

Tgk Malik adds, "In an independent Aceh, we will be sure to provide security for the nation and for the people. We know what is required for our (Aceh's) national interest -- we must secure economic and social development. For example, in Aceh today, so many people do not have enough to eat, yet the province produces a surplus of food each year." Corruption and "predatory practices" wil be stamped out, he says.

Malik continues, "Our people are tired of living in fear. We must bring peace to Aceh, and ensure stability. As part of this nation-building process, we are preparing our soldiers to be the future professional army in an independent Aceh, and our civilians to be the administration."

He adds that these leaders "do not tolerate the type of behavior that Indonesia appears ready to condone by its unruly armed forces. Nor do we tolerate corruption among our ranks ... And in the areas where our own administration is strong, our civil bureaucracy has more integrity than the Indonesians who seem intent on making money at ever turn."

The level of corruption in Indonesia is legendary, and did not stop with the fall of Soeharto. In a recent survey on corruption, Indonesia was ranked the most corrupt country in Asia.

The behavior of the Indonesian military is indeed one of the main reasons for the overwhelming support in Aceh for this government in waiting. Almost every family in Aceh has suffered the trauma of the death, disappearance, torture or rape of a loved one, the destruction of property, and the extortion for which the armed forces are becoming increasingly renowned. Indeed, many have multiple experiences of such incidents.

The number in the military permanently under arms of this newly renamed independence movement -- the State of Aceh -- has risen to more than 5,000. This is in part a reaction to the increasing levels of brutality by the armed forces. The number of military and police in the province is around 35,000. Tgk Malik says -- with a wide grin -- "if you consider the ratio of Indonesian troops to our men, it would appear we are fighting a hopeless battle. We have been fighting what others would call "mission impossible" for many years. But for us, all things are possible and we have proven this by the very fact we are still around -- and growing in strength."

The United States has recently approved a figure of US $50 million over several years for Indonesia, to ostensibly help the vast archipelago counter those they suspect of having terrorist tendencies. Malik can only shake his head: "It can't get much worse in Aceh. It is already terrible for our people."

But perhaps it can get worse. Inevitably the training and hardware to be supplied to the Indonesian police force will be turned against the armed independence movement in Aceh. And, more worryingly, against innocent, unarmed civilians.

One piece of good news: The decision due Aug. 5 on whether to declare a state of emergency in Aceh, has been postponed for two weeks. There is much speculation as to why this has happened. Malik suggests, "we know there has been international pressure on the Indonesians not to press ahead with this. But the international community should understand that it makes no difference to the people in Aceh. The Indonesian government and military are behaving as if there is a state of emergency already."

I ask Hasan di Tiro when he thinks Aceh will achieve independence. He smiles, "I don't know" he says in barely a whisper, "but soon. We must, it is our duty."

The determination is palpable. A silence falls around the table. Of one thing I am sure, no Acehnese should ever doubt the solidarity their government in exile feels for their suffering. For Teungku Di Tiro and Teungku Malik, and for the majority of Acehnese, it is only a matter of time until the political project that is Indonesia disintegrates further.

"We have waited for so many years already", says Malik, "we can wait a few more."