'Ideological map' in Indonesian politics (1)

'Ideological map' in Indonesian politics (1)

J. Soedjati Djiwandono
Political analyst
Jakarta

The ideological alignment of Indonesian politics since
independence has been one of "nationalism," in support of the
Pancasila ideology, versus Islam, striving for the establishment
of an Islamic state on the basis of Islamic syaria.
Interestingly, it can reasonably be assumed that most of the
members of the "nationalist" parties are also Muslims.

That antagonism began has characterized Indonesian politics
since the famous after "seven words" referring to the Islamic
syaria, immediately following the phrase "belief in one Almighty
God" -- the first principle of the Pancasila ideology mentioned
in the "Jakarta Charter", the original draft of the constitution
-- were deleted before it was to be promulgated as the
Provisional Constitution of independent Indonesia (the 1945
Constitution), on the day after the proclamation of independence
on 17 August 1945.

While it was to the chagrin of the Muslims to the present day,
the reason for the deletion was concern over a threat to national
unity after the Christian members of the Preparatory Committee
for Indonesian Independence established by the Japanese occupying
military authorities had reportedly threatened to opt out if
those words were retained.

A clear expression of such an ideological division between
Nationalism and Islam was manifested in the result of a voting in
the Contitutional Assembly, established through the election of
1955, to determine a permanent constitution. The final vote was
on whether the provisional 1945 Constitution or the Jakarta
Charter, its original draft, was to be the Republic's permanent
Constitution, which would have made the Indonesian republic an
Islamic state. The result was a large majority in favor of the
former choice, although the required 2/3-majority vote was not
obtained. In the end the Constitutional Assembly was dissolved by
a Presidential decree of July 9, 1959 for its failure.

Brief interlude

The ideological dichotomy, however, was briefly interrupted
during the less than a decade of President Sukarno's rule of
"Guided Democracy". Despite the so-called "Madiun Affair" of
1948, a rebellion by the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), the
party was never banned. Indeed, under the new leadership of D.N.
Aidit, the party regained its membership and sympathizers, and in
the 1955 election came out as one of the "big four", along with
the PNI, the Masyumi, and the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU).

As a result, the common perception of "ideological map" of
nationalism versus Islam did not really constitute an unbroken
pattern. The PKI was becoming a political force of such influence
that during Sukarno's "Guided Democracy," it eventually led him
to conceive his idea of "NASAKOM", a coalition among the three
main ideologies -- nationalism, religion, and communism in
Indonesian politics.

Islamic revival?

Because of its alleged involvement in the "Gestapu Affair"
(Sept. 30 movement) of 1965, understood as another coup attempt
masterminded by the PKI, the NASAKOM was discredited, and the
PKI banned. Hence the birth of the Army-dominated "New Order"
regime led by General, later President Soeharto.

Indeed, there were expectations on the part of the Muslims,
that with the banning of the PKI, it was time for the Islamic
parties (except the Masyumi, which had earlier been banned by
Sukarno for its alleged involvement in a series of Islamic
rebellions), to play a more important political role. It was
assumed that many among those apposed to the Jakarta Charter in
the Constituent Assembly were members of the PKI, which now did
not count anymore. So the Islamic parties would renew their
struggle for the imposition of the Syaria. Moreover, many Muslims
felt that the Muslims had been the main victims of the communists
and that the Muslims played a significant role in fighting the
communists.

Indeed, with due respect for the Muslims victimized by the
PKI, particularly those in the country-side, the communists
killed many of them, presumably not because they were Muslims as
such, but in the communist ideological terms, they belonged to
the class of land-owners, the "rich peasants" or "kulaks" in
communist Russia.

Failing in this, many of Muslims felt "marginalized under the
Soeharto regime. Only later, when at some point Soeharto was
beginning to be disappointed with at least some part of the
military, did he provide the Muslims with a wider opportunity to
play a bigger role, particularly following the emergence of
Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI) especially
with B.J. Habibie coming into office as Minister of Research and
Technology, and later as Vice President. It was then that there
was some degree of "Islamic revival".

Nevertheless, it was impossible for the Islamic parties to
achieve their goal of adopting the Islamic syaria by
constitutional means, for since 1983 Soeharto, through a decision
of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), required that all
political parties and mass organizations could only have
Pancasila as their ideological basis. Moreover, all decisions had
to be made by unanimity (mufakat).

However, unity among the Muslims, particularly among Muslim
parties and organizations, is always a far cry. As recent as the
latest election of 1999, the Muslims were split into a number of
parties. Indeed, in Parliament, the Islamic-based political
parties set up "Central Axis. It was meant to be some kind of an
alliance, a united front or perhaps united forum, rather than a
merger, for cooperation and mutual consultations among Islamic-
based political parties, each of which, alone, would constitute a
minority. However, the Central Axis did not include the National
Awakening Party (PKB), which is NU- based, thus strictly
speaking, Islamic-based, especially the NU being the largest
Muslim organization in the country.

It was the forces of the Central Axis that formed a strong and
united opposition to Megawati Soekarnoputri of the Indonesian
Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), biggest winner of
the election, and thus the strongest presidential candidate. They
used her gender as their main weapon to bloc her election as
President.

It was also the Central Axis, ironically, that catapulted
Abdurrahman Wahid to the presidency, thus relegating Megawati to
the vice presidency. More ironically, however, that it was also
the withdrawal the support by the Central Axis for Abdurrahman
Wahid that in the end forced him out of office, thus paving the
way for Megawati's presidency.