Historian hopes Gus Dur brings democracy to Indonesia

Historian hopes Gus Dur brings democracy to Indonesia

By Aboeprijadi Santoso

AMSTERDAM (JP): One of the biggest problems for Indonesia is
to maintain its national unity. President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur"
Wahid would be able to restore it, but so would Megawati
Soekarnoputri if she becomes president. But they cannot rely on a
type of political Islam like, for example, Muhammadiyah,
according to German historian Bernhard Dahm. Indonesia will only
remain united through its historic tradition of tolerance, he
said.

As a presidential advisor, Bernhard Dahm, 68, an emeritus
professor of Passau University, Bavaria, accompanied to Indonesia
last month the visiting German President Johannes Rau. In 1964 he
wrote his Ph.D thesis, which was published in English as Sukarno
and The Struggle for Indonesia's Independence (Cornell University
1969).

In this candid interview, he shares his reflections on
Indonesia's problems and experiences. Excerpts:

"I remember vividly, I had a long talk with Sukarno in October
1966," said Dahm. "I have always seen his attempt to unite the
people in the old tradition of the Javanese, a syncretic attempt
to synthesize great influences from outside. Sukarno was romantic
and had seen that nationalism, religion and communism (Nasakom)
worked well in the 1920s and 1930s. He believed he could do that
in the 1960s and I said that's an illusion.

"Sure, there was a very vivid political life. I could see the
becak (three-wheeled pedicab) drivers were happy when Sukarno was
giving a speech. They thought that welfare was just around the
corner... Whereas Soeharto was not giving hope to the people."

What was decisive, according to Dahm, was Soeharto's
repressive rule and the Army's loyalty. "Soeharto lived from a
Bapakisme (fatherhood) loyalty by the Army. Sukarno was trying to
get people together by consensus. Soeharto sent the Army and
suppressed the resistance in a very brutal manner."

Of crucial importance, though, in Dahm's view, was the fate of
political Islam. "Under Sukarno, Mohammad Natsir and other Muslim
leaders were (active) until Masyumi was outlawed because they
allegedly participated in a rebellion. And Nahdlatul Ulama could
agitate without any restriction ...

"As for Soeharto, I guess he felt it was dangerous to let
Islam develop its own dynamics. But in the 1980s, things changed.
(Armed Forces chief Gen.) Benny Moerdani started to rationalize
the military. As former revolutionaries died, friendships from
classes in the military academy were kept long after (cadres)
left the school. So from a vertical loyalty (Bapakisme toward
Soeharto), you got new, horizontal (Army) loyalties.

"Soeharto felt the changes and made a turnabout in 1990 by
creating ICMI (Association of Muslim intellectuals) and gave a
lot of concessions to Islam. That was a shrewd policy, but with
very dear consequences," Dahm emphasized.

"Amien Rais, for instance, who was chairman of ICMI council of
experts and Muhammadiyah leader, soon demanded new rights for
Islam, which were of dubious nature for Indonesian harmony. He
wanted to have the country's Islamic majority of 87 percent or so
represented in government, universities and all institutions.
(That is to say) to change the picture that Christian schools had
been better and had more graduates to higher offices.

"He said that in August 1992. That was also the beginning of
unrest in various regions. In formerly Christian areas like
Maluku and Kalimantan, we had military officers spreading Islamic
schools."

"I have nothing against Islam," Dahm insisted. "All I'm saying
is that was an important change in policy and in traditional
harmonious structures. When Maluku got a governor of Islamic
orientation, so also followed lower officials, then they started
to give preference to Islamic groups elsewhere.

"If I were a Muslim, I would perhaps do the same. But Amien
Rais is different from other Javanese like Abdurrahman or
Sukarno, who were raised in the tradition of musyawarah and
mufakat (consensus). Amien has an Arabic background; he has no
feeling for this Javanese syncretism. Gus Dur wants to have an
Indonesian nation based on the constitution as created in 1945,
whereas Amien Rais is driving to make use of the great Islamic
majority in the long term to create an Indonesian Islamic society
where the rights of the minorities are no longer taken for
granted. The more Islam (becomes) institutionalized, the more the
minorities get in trouble."

In sum, for Dahm, it was "the logical consequence when
Soeharto was looking for a new power base and turned to the ummat
(religious masses). This was then used by some to bring forward
new demands that led to a polarization.

"Now," Dahm added, "Gus Dur is criticized for not giving
enough space for the development of Islamic faith? I don't think
Abdurrahman would follow many advises and step down. He may be
physically weak but he is spiritually very strong. He will fight
to the end. If the MPR (People Consultative Assembly) holds a
special session and decides he has to go, then it's time for
Megawati."

What would Dahm expect from Megawati's presidency?

"Well because of the name and the living myth of Sukarno as a
great unifier, she might prevent the country from going into more
disruption and disintegration. The very name Sukarno is also a
sort of obligation for her to see that this does not happen. She
has no clear political concept, but she has a great standing
among the Indonesian majority.

"With regard to Islam, like Sukarno, she is a Javanese abangan
(nonzealous Muslim) with Pancasila ideas from her father. The
ummat would not like her much, but they would respect her if she
became president. They would say okay, but we will try to have a
new president in 2004.

"She is now more competent about Indonesian affairs than two
or three years ago. She has matured and learned a lot."

Asked who could she rely on, the political Islam of the
Muhammadiyah type or the military, Dahm said she could not rely
on the Muhammadiyah.

"Look at how many votes they could get under Natsir and now
under PAN (National Mandate party) or other parties, whose ideas
are close to Muhammadiyah. Muhammadiyah is very much interested
in bringing about a deeper penetration of Islamic ideas, and this
will result in tensions with others. That's not Megawati's way.

"She has the support of Gus Dur and PKB (Nation Awakening
Party) and also of many conservative Islamic groups that are more
interested in keeping traditional influence under the people.
With them, she will cooperate.

"As for the Army, I remember the Timor crisis (of 1999). The
good name of Indonesia suffered immensely. I was furious, how
could they do (the mayhem)? And now, why did they go to Sampit
only after seven days of killings? I could not understand that.

"Perhaps, if Gus Dur succeeds in bringing Tutut, Bambang and
Tommy (three of Soeharto's children) to trial and get the money
back, things could be settled. So I hope this purification of the
Soeharto clan and economic stability (will) occur. Then I see a
good chance for the military and Megawati.

How hopeful is Dahm about the future of democracy and
pluralism in Indonesia?

"I'm very hopeful, but it's a pity that Abdurrahman has so
many problems. He is stubborn. He is really the man who can
achieve all those purifications. If not, then (it will be) a big,
big disaster. So my ideal would be that Abdurrahman continues to
bring Indonesia to a stable way to a democracy.

"We would never have excesses like in the Middle East, Algeria
or Persia because of the tradition of tolerance that is reflected
in the constitution, Pancasila and so on.

"Abdurrahman tries to defend it, so does Megawati, (but) with
the others I'm not so sure. If that (tradition of tolerance) goes
and Indonesia becomes a hotbed of agitation or religious or some
other fight between various groups, that's the end of Indonesia."

The writer is a journalist based in Amsterdam, the
Netherlands.