Harmoko tour reveals region's political color

Harmoko tour reveals region's political color

By Ainur R. Sophiaan

JAKARTA (JP): Minister of Information Harmoko has made it
clear time and again that his annual Ramadhan safari is meant to
disseminate information about national development and gauge the
grassroots' response to it.

However, there's no denying that a large number of people in
many of the remote places he visited turned the meetings with the
minister, who is also the chairman of Golkar, into gatherings to
consolidate support for the dominant political grouping.

This is why one can usually gauge how Golkar is faring in any
particular area during the visits which Harmoko started in 1983.
Harmoko's trip to cities and regencies through the northern coast
of Java in January was of particular significance, given the
proximity to the May 29 general election.

One of the most evident conclusions from the trip is that the
general election contestants -- the Moslem-based United
Development Party (PPP), Golkar and the Christian-nationalist
Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) -- are going to have a tough
battle in Java's northern coastal region.

The population in this region has, in the sociological and
demographic sense, always been highly mobile. Political
allegiances change easily, thus increasing the challenge facing
the contestants.

Sukartono, chairman of the Golkar branch in Karawang regency,
West Java, told The Jakarta Post the regency had been a Golkar
stronghold since the 1971 election. Over the last three
elections, Golkar's support has increased steadily: in 1982,
80.39 percent of the regency's population voted for Golkar, in
1987 the figure rose to 85.33 percent and in 1992 it reached
89.69 percent.

In Muara Baru village, mostly inhabited by poor fishermen,
Golkar's vote was almost 100 percent in 1992, as it was in the
villages of Rawagempol and Tempuran.

Sukartono is optimistic his region will reach the targeted
90.2 percent in the forthcoming election, primarily through the
efforts of more than 100,00 male and 250,000 female Golkar
village cadres.

To realize the ambition will certainly require hard work but
the campaigning has already started in earnest, albeit
indirectly. Take for instance, the compulsory coloring of shops
and other buildings in Golkar yellow. Now, even houses of worship
have gone yellow.

The Al-Muttaqin Mosque in Rawagempol, Cilamaya district, is
yellow except for its walls and roof tiles.

"Karawang has become a model area for Golkar," Sukartono said.

Other parts of West Java's northern coast, such as Bekasi,
Cirebon and Cikampek are not matching the success in Karawang. In
Cirebon regency, for instance, Golkar faces pressure from PDI. In
the last election Golkar secured 64.10 percent of the vote, PDI
21.58 percent and PPP 14.32 percent.

Central Java will be even harder work for Golkar activists. In
the 1992 election its vote dipped to 55,34 percent from 68.14
percent in 1987 election. In 1977 it got 52.56 percent and
increased its share to 60.54 percent in 1982.

Alip Pandoyo, the Central Java Golkar chairman, blamed the
1992 failure on party functionaries.

"We have evaluated the weak spots. Especially in the northern
coastal regions, which have been neglected thus far," he said.

In the 1992 election, Golkar recorded 52.61 percent of the
vote in Brebes regency, 51.88 percent in Pemalang regency, 51.98
percent in Semarang, 53.50 percent in Kudus regency, 54.33
percent in Pati regency and 57.66 percent in Rembang regency.

There were many towns which recorded less than that. The
organization's vote in Tegal amounted to 48.68 percent, in
Pekalongan regency the figure was 49.38 percent, and in Jepara
47.06 percent. In Pekalongan Golkar was shunted into second place
with 36.06 percent, behind PPP which came top with 42.76 percent.

Alif said that in this year's election Golkar's provincial
target was 80 percent. The reason for this ambitious project, he
said, was because "Golkar aims to revive its former glory in
Central Java."

This helps explain why Golkar's drive in Central Java has been
all-encompassing. Not many objects have been spared from the
yellow paint; from the bus terminal roof, to the prayer mats in
the mosques, to the folding chairs for ceremonies, to district
administration and village chief offices, everywhere is a sea of
yellow.

Homes and small shops are adorned with Golkar calendars.

During his visit to 12 regencies in the province, Harmoko was
welcomed by thousands of primary school pupils and teachers, all
sporting yellow accessories.

Green province

In East Java, the last province Harmoko visited, however, the
yellow sea was less evident.

In this province, Golkar's vote plunged 11 percent from 67
percent in 1987 to 56.76 percent in 1992. The decline was largely
due to northern regions like Lamongan, Gresik, Surabaya and
Madura backing PPP.

This was particularly evident in Gresik where Harmoko and his
entourage were welcomed with green PPP banners fluttering along
all the town's roads. Almost no yellow flags could be seen,
despite the fact that Golkar's vote in the past election was
satisfactory, standing at 53.67 percent while PPP polled 34.75
percent.

At the Islamic Nazhatut Thulab boarding school in Camplong,
Sampang regency, there was not even a religious leader of
importance present to greet Harmoko.

In this region, Golkar has not logged an impressive victory
except in the 1992 election when its vote rose to 59.95 percent
from 43.63 percent. In Pasuruan regency, Golkar's vote dropped by
more than 20 percent.

Golkar's election target in this province is comparatively
modest. The chairman of the provincial Golkar branch, Hudan
Dardiri, hopes to retrieve the lost votes and reinstate the party
to its 1987 position.

"We'll be lucky if we get more than that though," he told the
Post. His caution stems from the stiff political rivalry, even
among top officials, who do not all hold the same views.

Harmoko also made an extensive tour to various Moslem boarding
schools.

In Central Java, Golkar even built a boarding school, Al
Uswah, on a hilly slope in the village of Pakintelan, in the
Gunungpati district, Semarang regency. Here, Moslem leaders in
golden jackets greeted him while yellow flags fluttered from
every corner of the boarding school.

In East Java, leaders of the Moslem schools were not as
expressive. At the Darus Salam boarding school in Torjun,
Sampang, Madura, its leader, Ahmad Dhofier Syah, admitted that
Golkar funds were providing lots of support for the Islamic
schools.

"The problem now is, is the integrity of the religious
boarding school leaders at stake? These boarding schools should
not become a commodity or victims of fleeting political fights,"
he said.