Habibie's rule after 100 days

The first 100 days in power is thought to be crucial in determining a leader's performance for the rest of his or her term in office. In the following story we ask political analysts for their assessment of President B.J. Habibie's first 100 days in office, the anniversary of which fell on Friday. The Jakarta Post's team of reporters Stevie Emilia, Johannes K. Simbolon, Aloysius Unditu, Christiani S. Tumelap, Lukman Natanagara, Ridwan M. Sijabat, Israr Ardiansyah, Sri Purwati, Jupriadi, Helmayanti and Danang Kukuh Wardoyo.

JAKARTA (JP): After just over 100 days in charge of the country, President B.J. Habibie is still facing a host of criticism and lingering doubts over his leadership, but several observers are impressed with the democratic atmosphere he has created.

Political observers Bilveer Singh of the National University of Singapore and William Liddle of Ohio State University in America noted that when the former state minister of research and technology was appointed as the country's third president by political default on May 21, many thought he would last only briefly in office given his lack of political legitimacy and weak power base.

However, Singh contended that people underestimated his acumen and political networks, especially the ones focusing around the Association of Indonesian Moslem Intellectuals (ICMI) and the bureaucracy.

"For cynics (who thought Habibie would last a matter of days or weeks), the fact that Pak Habibie has lasted thus far is indeed a great achievement," Singh said.

Liddle believes Habibie is aware that many perceive him to be weak, and that he has tried to follow the reform agenda set in agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to regain economic confidence.

He has also recruited proponents of a market economy such as Ginandjar Kartasasmita, who is Coordinating Minister for Economy, Finance and Industry, and Widjojo Nitisastro, who is the President's economic advisor, to create the impression that he is committed to economic reform.

Liddle said that on the political side, Habibie, once a staunch loyalist of the autocratic Soeharto, made "a brilliant move" to buy political legitimacy by promising a free and democratic election next year.

That move may well have stopped people from bringing him down, Liddle said.

"Take Amien Rais, who was a leading reform figure from early on. At the last minute he said he would allow Habibie (to be President); now Amien is not out there with others saying that Habibie should go, but instead he is organizing a political party through a process made possible by Habibie,"

"This political situation would not have been possible before," Liddle said.

Singh noted that the present climate of political freedom had been Habibie's greatest achievement to date, adding that he would "definitely enter history as the man who started Indonesia on the road to 'political normalization' and provided the country with hope for democratic growth."

However, Daniel Lev from Washington University in Seattle and the University of Indonesia's Arbi Sanit said Habibie's performance was still far below expectations.

"Habibie is an amateur compared to Soeharto and (the country's first president) Sukarno or even to many other politicians here.

"I have not seen any indication that Habibie is really capable of creating a new political system, or that he even has the basic ability to be a leader," Lev said.

Lev said that in the current difficult situation, Habibie should at least have shown the public that he was neutral by seeking support from outside ICMI.

Instead, Lev said, Habibie has surrounded himself with dirty figures from the New Order regime.

"Had he first restructured the Supreme Court and replaced all the judges, people would have saluted him. Why? Because the Supreme Court is considered to be an institution which symbolizes New Order corruption," Lev said.

Arbi contended that Habibie has done nothing to rid the country of rampant collusion, corruption and nepotism, which are considered to be one of the worst legacies of the previous regime and the main reason for the country's susceptibility to the economic crisis.

Habibie has not shown a willingness to take real action to investigate the wealth of former president Soeharto and other high ranking officials. He has even given honorary medals to his own wife and brother, Arbi said.

Habibie also has a tendency to favor people from his home province of South Sulawesi, Arbi said, citing the appointment of Lt. Gen. Andi M. Ghalib as Attorney General, Ryaas Rasyid as Director General for Administration and Provincial Autonomy at the Ministry of Home Affairs, and A.A. Baramuli as Head of the Supreme Advisory Council.

"There is a fear of new nepotism here, an ethnocentrism. That's dangerous," Arbi said.

Singh, however, said that it was not fair to talk about Habibie's failures after only 100 days in office.

"Here is a man who has committed himself to total reform. Here is a man who is trying to realize a new political, economic, military and socio-political system.

"You cannot fault him if you do not see results now, especially since the people tolerated authoritarianism marked by wide disparities in income and human right abuses for the last 32 years," Singh added.

Singh said Habibie had probably the toughest job in the world today, and that as such he needed more support.

"We should not drown a sinking man," Singh said.

Lev and Arbi contended that the Armed Forces (ABRI) and not Habibie was actually in control of the political ground, pointing to the fact that Habibie has taken an ambiguous stance on the military's role in politics and his reluctance to bring ABRI to justice for atrocities committed by some of its members.

Both said ABRI's loyalty to Habibie was questionable.

"(ABRI Commander General) Wiranto could respect Soeharto, but Habibie? What has Habibie done (to earn his respect)?" Lev asked.

Arbi said Habibie, like Soeharto, has collaborated with ABRI, giving many positions to senior military figures and turning a blind eye on past atrocities in exchange for political support.

However, Singh contended that Habibie is a brave man and is not afraid of the military.

"I believe he will be the President who goes in history for domesticating the Armed Forces. I believe ... Habibie will make ABRI his political tool ... (and) will use the military's very poor image in society today to his own advantage," Singh said.

Singh noted the most difficult task for Habibie in the coming months was to set the country's economy on the road to recovery. If Habibie fails in this respect, the political freedom which he has created could become disastrous to the country.

"Political freedom coupled with hunger could turn into a time bomb capable of tearing the country apart," Singh said.

He believed that if Habibie was able to respond to the economic crisis and put in place a government which could be trusted at home and abroad, then the region and the rest of the world would come to the help of Indonesia.

"Indonesia is simply too important to the world and Southeast Asia in particular. The last thing people want to see is the 'USSRization' or Yugoslavization' of Indonesia because this would hurt the world badly," Singh said. (team)