Habibie's rule after 100 days

Habibie's rule after 100 days

The first 100 days in power is thought to be crucial in
determining a leader's performance for the rest of his or her
term in office. In the following story we ask political analysts
for their assessment of President B.J. Habibie's first 100 days
in office, the anniversary of which fell on Friday. The Jakarta
Post's team of reporters Stevie Emilia, Johannes K. Simbolon,
Aloysius Unditu, Christiani S. Tumelap, Lukman Natanagara, Ridwan
M. Sijabat, Israr Ardiansyah, Sri Purwati, Jupriadi, Helmayanti
and Danang Kukuh Wardoyo.

JAKARTA (JP): After just over 100 days in charge of the
country, President B.J. Habibie is still facing a host of
criticism and lingering doubts over his leadership, but several
observers are impressed with the democratic atmosphere he has
created.

Political observers Bilveer Singh of the National University
of Singapore and William Liddle of Ohio State University in
America noted that when the former state minister of research and
technology was appointed as the country's third president by
political default on May 21, many thought he would last only
briefly in office given his lack of political legitimacy and weak
power base.

However, Singh contended that people underestimated his acumen
and political networks, especially the ones focusing around the
Association of Indonesian Moslem Intellectuals (ICMI) and the
bureaucracy.

"For cynics (who thought Habibie would last a matter of days
or weeks), the fact that Pak Habibie has lasted thus far is
indeed a great achievement," Singh said.

Liddle believes Habibie is aware that many perceive him to be
weak, and that he has tried to follow the reform agenda set in
agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to regain
economic confidence.

He has also recruited proponents of a market economy such as
Ginandjar Kartasasmita, who is Coordinating Minister for Economy,
Finance and Industry, and Widjojo Nitisastro, who is the
President's economic advisor, to create the impression that he is
committed to economic reform.

Liddle said that on the political side, Habibie, once a
staunch loyalist of the autocratic Soeharto, made "a brilliant
move" to buy political legitimacy by promising a free and
democratic election next year.

That move may well have stopped people from bringing him down,
Liddle said.

"Take Amien Rais, who was a leading reform figure from early
on. At the last minute he said he would allow Habibie (to be
President); now Amien is not out there with others saying that
Habibie should go, but instead he is organizing a political party
through a process made possible by Habibie,"

"This political situation would not have been possible
before," Liddle said.

Singh noted that the present climate of political freedom had
been Habibie's greatest achievement to date, adding that he would
"definitely enter history as the man who started Indonesia on the
road to 'political normalization' and provided the country with
hope for democratic growth."

However, Daniel Lev from Washington University in Seattle and
the University of Indonesia's Arbi Sanit said Habibie's
performance was still far below expectations.

"Habibie is an amateur compared to Soeharto and (the country's
first president) Sukarno or even to many other politicians here.

"I have not seen any indication that Habibie is really capable
of creating a new political system, or that he even has the basic
ability to be a leader," Lev said.

Lev said that in the current difficult situation, Habibie
should at least have shown the public that he was neutral by
seeking support from outside ICMI.

Instead, Lev said, Habibie has surrounded himself with dirty
figures from the New Order regime.

"Had he first restructured the Supreme Court and replaced all
the judges, people would have saluted him. Why? Because the
Supreme Court is considered to be an institution which symbolizes
New Order corruption," Lev said.

Arbi contended that Habibie has done nothing to rid the
country of rampant collusion, corruption and nepotism, which are
considered to be one of the worst legacies of the previous regime
and the main reason for the country's susceptibility to the
economic crisis.

Habibie has not shown a willingness to take real action to
investigate the wealth of former president Soeharto and other
high ranking officials. He has even given honorary medals to his
own wife and brother, Arbi said.

Habibie also has a tendency to favor people from his home
province of South Sulawesi, Arbi said, citing the appointment of
Lt. Gen. Andi M. Ghalib as Attorney General, Ryaas Rasyid as
Director General for Administration and Provincial Autonomy at
the Ministry of Home Affairs, and A.A. Baramuli as Head of the
Supreme Advisory Council.

"There is a fear of new nepotism here, an ethnocentrism.
That's dangerous," Arbi said.

Singh, however, said that it was not fair to talk about
Habibie's failures after only 100 days in office.

"Here is a man who has committed himself to total reform. Here
is a man who is trying to realize a new political, economic,
military and socio-political system.

"You cannot fault him if you do not see results now,
especially since the people tolerated authoritarianism marked by
wide disparities in income and human right abuses for the last 32
years," Singh added.

Singh said Habibie had probably the toughest job in the world
today, and that as such he needed more support.

"We should not drown a sinking man," Singh said.

Lev and Arbi contended that the Armed Forces (ABRI) and not
Habibie was actually in control of the political ground, pointing
to the fact that Habibie has taken an ambiguous stance on the
military's role in politics and his reluctance to bring ABRI to
justice for atrocities committed by some of its members.

Both said ABRI's loyalty to Habibie was questionable.

"(ABRI Commander General) Wiranto could respect Soeharto, but
Habibie? What has Habibie done (to earn his respect)?" Lev asked.

Arbi said Habibie, like Soeharto, has collaborated with ABRI,
giving many positions to senior military figures and turning a
blind eye on past atrocities in exchange for political support.

However, Singh contended that Habibie is a brave man and is
not afraid of the military.

"I believe he will be the President who goes in history for
domesticating the Armed Forces. I believe ... Habibie will make
ABRI his political tool ... (and) will use the military's very
poor image in society today to his own advantage," Singh said.

Singh noted the most difficult task for Habibie in the coming
months was to set the country's economy on the road to recovery.
If Habibie fails in this respect, the political freedom which he
has created could become disastrous to the country.

"Political freedom coupled with hunger could turn into a time
bomb capable of tearing the country apart," Singh said.

He believed that if Habibie was able to respond to the
economic crisis and put in place a government which could be
trusted at home and abroad, then the region and the rest of the
world would come to the help of Indonesia.

"Indonesia is simply too important to the world and Southeast
Asia in particular. The last thing people want to see is the
'USSRization' or Yugoslavization' of Indonesia because this would
hurt the world badly," Singh said. (team)