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Gus Dur's consistency 'being tested in TNI investigation'

| Source: JP

Gus Dur's consistency 'being tested in TNI investigation'

YOGYAKARTA (JP): While civilians are trying to bring the
military to accountability, some speculate that President
Abdurrahman Wahid is trying to protect it, given his unclear
stance. The Jakarta Post interviewed political researcher
Riswandha Imawan from Gadjah Mada University last week. The
following are excerpts from the interview:

Question: Several of the military's top brass may be tried in
a human rights court or even in an international tribunal.
President Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) seems to back the generals
while demands continue to put an end to the Indonesian Military's
(TNI) social and political role, saying it is the source of
alleged atrocities. What do you think?

Answer: For the time being, Gus Dur will let TNI be involved
in politics, for he is still facing a problem of political
consolidation. He will protect the generals from being tried,
particularly in international tribunals. Gus Dur greatly needs
TNI's support to cope with the threat of disintegration coming
from Aceh, Irian Jaya and so on, apart from facing the negative
excesses of reform -- "consolidated anarchy" instead of
democracy. But if Gus Dur succeeds in preserving Aceh, he will
immediately play his other cards to send the military back to the
barracks. There is no guarantee at all that Gus Dur will continue
to back the military.

The approach toward TNI so far has been inevitable for Gus
Dur's government because he has begun to realize the weakness of
his largely accommodative stance which is beginning to have a
negative effect on his Cabinet.

In the beginning, Gus Dur was often quite cynical toward the
military. He expressed anger at former minister of information
Gen. Yunus Yosfiah, saying that a general did not understand
the affairs of the common people. That was an extraordinary
statement, showing his overall view toward the military.

Gus Dur also made a controversial decision in the withdrawal
of all nonlocal troops, including the special forces from Aceh.
He expected that politicians would back his stance against the
military. But it was clear that they did not give their entire
support and instead played behind his back.

Examples included the confusion over the resignation of former
minister Hamzah Haz, and the ensuing statements from Amien Rais
(suggesting a maneuver against the Muslim-oriented 'axis force'),
which showed lack of loyalty of the ministers and their sponsors
toward the President (Gus Dur had stated he had formed the
Cabinet with others who acted as "guarantors" of the new
ministers including Amien). This has threatened Gus Dur's
position.

That's why Gus Dur acts as if he is supporting the
military ... That he dared to say no to the option of Aceh's
independence meant he must have had the support of the military,
assuming they were ready for repressive measures against the
freedom movement there.

Q: So, the President will no longer protect the generals from
demands of justice against rights abuses once the disintegration
threats and chaos are solved?

A: That's what I see, that he would back the military only to
avoid the worst possibility of repressive action toward demands
for a referendum in Aceh, and the potential of calls for
independence elsewhere like in Irian Jaya. Once the problems are
solved, Gus Dur could still ask the military to return to their
barracks. But if he is not careful he could also be trapped into
an authoritarian rule once he has larger support from the
military.

Q: Do you think Abdurrahman's recent visit and lobbies to foreign
governments could reduce his dependence on TNI in handling
threats of disintegration?

A: I think so. But remember that we cannot trust the
international community just like that. Don't believe that those
governments recognize Aceh as an Indonesian territory, because
once a referendum is conducted with an option for independence
and if the independence side wins and becomes open (to foreign
countries), even neighboring countries could acknowledge Aceh.
Their interest lies in the Malacca Straits.

We should learn from East Timor. It was the American
government that gave the Indonesian government a green light to
enter East Timor, but it was also America that edged Indonesia
out. International politics is based on interest, not ideology.
It is this fact which has led Gus Dur's government to keep the
military under its wing, at least in these difficult times.

Q: Do you think Abdurrahman holds an important card over the
military?

A: Obviously. This was reflected from the statement of Minister
of Foreign Affairs Alwi Shihab, that the maneuvers to open trade
links with Israel were part of efforts to save the generals from
an international tribunal. His statement was clearly an effort to
draw sympathy from the generals, that the planned ties with
Israel were not only for the sake of trade. Gus Dur's efforts to
link up with China can be seen in the same light; China has veto
rights on the United Nation's Security Council. Gus Dur has also
stated he is against the generals being tried at an international
tribunal, and has urged that they be tried in this country.

Q: What do you think of the allegation of human rights abuses?

A: Frankly, all military operations throughout the world violate
human rights. For instance, in the way soldiers arrest people
without notice or arrest warrants. What needs to be agreed on in
a national tribunal is the identification of rights abuses which
can be tolerated by social norms, and the rest should be left to
the court ... What has to be tried in court are the cruel actions
of the military, such as the slow killings involving torture like
the peeling of the scalp.

Regarding the inquiry on human rights, the government must
also prevent soldiers from being in an absurd position -- meaning
they would be dismissed for resisting their superior's commands
while they could face punishment for abusing human rights as they
had followed orders. In fact no soldier acts without their
superior's command, so the ones to be tried should be those who
gave the orders, up to the highest level.

Q: How do you view Abdurrahman's stance toward the rights abuses?

A: I think Gus Dur displays a double standard. His siding with
the people's interest and their demands is being severely tested
with his consistency to bring the generals to court. I think a
safe way out for Gus Dur is to request Marzuki Darusman, both in
his capacity as Attorney General and chairman of the National
Commission for Human Rights, to list all rights abuses which
cannot be tolerated, because, as I have said, there are no
military operations which do not abuse rights. After that we
would be able to set a time frame, in this case after the Aug. 30
ballot in East Timor, and the actions which cannot be tolerated.
Then the perpetrators would be sought out and the person involved
brought to court.

So we wouldn't be involving too many military officers and
would avoid rocking the boat in relation to TNI. What is
happening now could produce a domino effect, all involved
officers could go on trial; all members would be in one boat and
this could motivate a conspiracy among soldiers, which could
bring negative ramifications upon Gus Dur's government.

Meanwhile, Gus Dur and the National Commission on Human Rights
have said they would uphold the law indiscriminately ... So the
best way for Gus Dur to act would be to instruct Marzuki Darusman
and the commission to determine the criteria for intolerable
abuses. So, take the perpetrators to court, but they would have
to be the ones directly involved and those who gave direct
orders.

In the current situation, I agree that the military could lose
its patience if it is constantly pushed into a corner. We could
see... a real entrance of the military into politics.

Q: Many believe the President has a strong commitment to
promoting a civil society...

A: That's right. Despite his confusing maneuvers, I think Gus Dur
consistently bases all his steps on the premise that it is now
time for people to be given a larger space to determine their own
fate. I'm not defending Gus Dur, but this is what I understand,
that he has always been consistent in promoting a civil society.

Gus Dur must also be aware that civil society has two
conflicting characteristics ... it is both independent and
sectarian. Look at how terrorism among people is spreading. To
uphold the law, law enforcement, as one of the determinants of
the success of reform, needs a neutral state institution -- the
police and the military.

So Gus Dur clearly still needs TNI for now, for the police are
still far from adequate. He has to be extra cautious while he
faces the threat of public impatience with economic recovery. All
these are, in fact, connected; political consolidation must be
completed to pave the way for smooth economic recovery.

Q: How long would you say is needed for Abdurrahman to complete
this delicate process, mainly political consolidation regarding
TNI?

A: It's difficult to say. But given his five-year term, the
process should be resolved by mid-2000, after which he must
concentrate on economic recovery. Failure to take concrete action
on the economy would risk the life of his Cabinet. But I would
also like to remind people that however difficult the problems
now being faced are, there is the inheritance of the former
regime. While we are learning about democracy, we should
appreciate the person now in charge and let him complete his
tasks to the end of his term. (Asip Agus Hasani)

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