Gus Dur revives hopes for reform and recovery
Gus Dur revives hopes for reform and recovery
We can hope for a better cabinet if the President reduces his
role in domestic affairs, writes Wimar Witoelar, chief editor of
Indonesian Business and a public affairs commentator.
JAKARTA (JP): One of the major promises Abdurrahman Wahid, or
Gus Dur, gave in his MPR progress report is that he would
concentrate on foreign policy and assign someone else to take
care of domestic affairs. That sounds like sweet music; back in
June I wrote in this newspaper that Gus Dur's recommended new
role is not new in our history.
Sukarno played it, the role of national leader who delegates
domestic matters to his government. The essence is delegation of
detail to a competent cabinet. In areas where the president has
little interest and less experience, such as economic management
and planning, turn to a strong unified team.
In areas where he has core competence such as human rights and
social policy, he can enrich the nation. Richard Nixon started
out as a good President; his strength was foreign policy, while
domestic policy was run by the cabinet and coordinated by the
White House staff.
We can build a control mechanism to prevent the buildup of a
Haldeman-Ehrlichman machine, and rules and regulations can be
formulated to create an effective First Ministry to run the day-
to-day management of the government.
Some have already opposed the idea of a First Ministry. These
include leaders of Golkar and the United Development Party,
because it is not in their interest to have a strong government.
Some responsible dissenters say the arrangement is in conflict
with the constitution.
I don't believe so. But we have a constitutional expert in
Marsilam Simandjuntak (Cabinet Secretary) who can safeguard the
legal ramifications. More importantly, we should rally public
opinion around the concept of differentiating the roles of the
President and the Vice President on the one hand, and a
technocratic cabinet on the other.
It is the best hope we have for an effective government which
will strengthen its peacekeeping role in the provinces and
provide a business climate of less uncertainty.
The formation of a strong cabinet would be a fitting finale to
the President's elegant overture at the Annual Session of the
People's Consultative Assembly (MPR). Combining modest apology
and firm proposals to do things better, the speech elevated
public discourse, providing direction for the rest of the
presidential term. This kind of statesmanship leaves some
politicians with nobody to listen to their small grievances.
The problem in the first 10 months of Abdurrahman's presidency
had been both of one substance and perception. With the MPR
address, Gus Dur showed himself to be responsive to public
displeasure at his erratic ways. His public apology buys time to
deliver better governance -- and encourages hope for a more
rational government with his announcement that he will
restructure and reshuffle his cabinet.
The government got off to a bad start because of the
circumstances of his election. Gus Dur, said Budiman Sudjatmiko,
head of the People's Democratic Party (PRD), "is not a governing
President but a hostage of a conspiracy between the axis force
and Golkar, based on a platform of 'Anyone but Megawati'".
The axis force coalition unraveled, as personal ambitions
overshadowed common interests. It had all but disappeared by the
second semester of Gus Dur's presidency, leaving behind some
politicians who threw daily criticism at the government like pub
regulars throw darts every evening.
The need for an effective democracy was forgotten as
politicians used their freedom in wasteful directions.
The intense politicization of public watch on the government
obscured some important facts. Abdurrahman's presidency managed
some important achievements in the first 10 months. The immediate
dangers of disintegration were somehow overcome as the government
applied reconciliatory methods in Aceh and West Papua.
But the main problem in Maluku is that the violence is
actively provoked by clandestine hard-line military forces
seeking to destabilize our fledgling democracy. Against the money
and the networks of the renegade hard-liners, the new Indonesian
Military has had difficulty keeping control.
Another major achievement of Abdurrahman's administration is
demilitarization of society, sending the military into its
biggest soul-searching period ever. The next phase of military
reform -- rebuilding a new military along more professional lines
-- has yet to take place. But the message is loud and clear: the
military should keep out of politics and business.
Yet Gus Dur's government failed miserably to generate
confidence in its economic management. How could it when the very
government officials who are supposed to provide policy
leadership prefer to protect and enhance their own positions?
With 97 percent of central bank loans condemned as fraudulent,
the entire banking system in intensive care and a total lack of
trust in the legal system, economic management is an impossible
job in the best of circumstances.
With the culprits of the business scandals still holding
important positions, the only hope is a totally resolute cabinet
committed to reform. Now the Gus Dur formula of assigning a
working cabinet revives hope in reform and recovery. The answer
will be in the execution of policies.
Politically things will still be fluid but stability may be
more attainable with a better performing cabinet and a more
assertive Gus Dur, no longer beholden to the axis force.
Action against past and present collusion, corruption and
nepotism should still be the major theme underpinning the
government's credibility with the people.
Can Gus Dur do it? We don't know. It's like my diet. I know
what has to be done to lose weight, but it never happens.
Breaking old, self-damaging habits requires discipline, total
commitment and sacrifice. Gus Dur, we hope, is stronger than most
of us.