Gus Dur revives hopes for reform and recovery

We can hope for a better cabinet if the President reduces his role in domestic affairs, writes Wimar Witoelar, chief editor of Indonesian Business and a public affairs commentator.

JAKARTA (JP): One of the major promises Abdurrahman Wahid, or Gus Dur, gave in his MPR progress report is that he would concentrate on foreign policy and assign someone else to take care of domestic affairs. That sounds like sweet music; back in June I wrote in this newspaper that Gus Dur's recommended new role is not new in our history.

Sukarno played it, the role of national leader who delegates domestic matters to his government. The essence is delegation of detail to a competent cabinet. In areas where the president has little interest and less experience, such as economic management and planning, turn to a strong unified team.

In areas where he has core competence such as human rights and social policy, he can enrich the nation. Richard Nixon started out as a good President; his strength was foreign policy, while domestic policy was run by the cabinet and coordinated by the White House staff.

We can build a control mechanism to prevent the buildup of a Haldeman-Ehrlichman machine, and rules and regulations can be formulated to create an effective First Ministry to run the day- to-day management of the government.

Some have already opposed the idea of a First Ministry. These include leaders of Golkar and the United Development Party, because it is not in their interest to have a strong government. Some responsible dissenters say the arrangement is in conflict with the constitution.

I don't believe so. But we have a constitutional expert in Marsilam Simandjuntak (Cabinet Secretary) who can safeguard the legal ramifications. More importantly, we should rally public opinion around the concept of differentiating the roles of the President and the Vice President on the one hand, and a technocratic cabinet on the other.

It is the best hope we have for an effective government which will strengthen its peacekeeping role in the provinces and provide a business climate of less uncertainty.

The formation of a strong cabinet would be a fitting finale to the President's elegant overture at the Annual Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR). Combining modest apology and firm proposals to do things better, the speech elevated public discourse, providing direction for the rest of the presidential term. This kind of statesmanship leaves some politicians with nobody to listen to their small grievances.

The problem in the first 10 months of Abdurrahman's presidency had been both of one substance and perception. With the MPR address, Gus Dur showed himself to be responsive to public displeasure at his erratic ways. His public apology buys time to deliver better governance -- and encourages hope for a more rational government with his announcement that he will restructure and reshuffle his cabinet.

The government got off to a bad start because of the circumstances of his election. Gus Dur, said Budiman Sudjatmiko, head of the People's Democratic Party (PRD), "is not a governing President but a hostage of a conspiracy between the axis force and Golkar, based on a platform of 'Anyone but Megawati'".

The axis force coalition unraveled, as personal ambitions overshadowed common interests. It had all but disappeared by the second semester of Gus Dur's presidency, leaving behind some politicians who threw daily criticism at the government like pub regulars throw darts every evening.

The need for an effective democracy was forgotten as politicians used their freedom in wasteful directions.

The intense politicization of public watch on the government obscured some important facts. Abdurrahman's presidency managed some important achievements in the first 10 months. The immediate dangers of disintegration were somehow overcome as the government applied reconciliatory methods in Aceh and West Papua.

But the main problem in Maluku is that the violence is actively provoked by clandestine hard-line military forces seeking to destabilize our fledgling democracy. Against the money and the networks of the renegade hard-liners, the new Indonesian Military has had difficulty keeping control.

Another major achievement of Abdurrahman's administration is demilitarization of society, sending the military into its biggest soul-searching period ever. The next phase of military reform -- rebuilding a new military along more professional lines -- has yet to take place. But the message is loud and clear: the military should keep out of politics and business.

Yet Gus Dur's government failed miserably to generate confidence in its economic management. How could it when the very government officials who are supposed to provide policy leadership prefer to protect and enhance their own positions?

With 97 percent of central bank loans condemned as fraudulent, the entire banking system in intensive care and a total lack of trust in the legal system, economic management is an impossible job in the best of circumstances.

With the culprits of the business scandals still holding important positions, the only hope is a totally resolute cabinet committed to reform. Now the Gus Dur formula of assigning a working cabinet revives hope in reform and recovery. The answer will be in the execution of policies.

Politically things will still be fluid but stability may be more attainable with a better performing cabinet and a more assertive Gus Dur, no longer beholden to the axis force.

Action against past and present collusion, corruption and nepotism should still be the major theme underpinning the government's credibility with the people.

Can Gus Dur do it? We don't know. It's like my diet. I know what has to be done to lose weight, but it never happens.

Breaking old, self-damaging habits requires discipline, total commitment and sacrifice. Gus Dur, we hope, is stronger than most of us.