'Gus Dur politically exploits culture, religion'

'Gus Dur politically exploits culture, religion'

By Santi W.E. Soekanto

JAKARTA (JP): He is a cousin of Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid,
but Ishom Hadzik, who now runs a Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) boarding
school in East Java, is critical of the embattled President to
the point of "understanding" calls for Abdurrahman's resignation.

"I am actually defending the President," he said in a recent
interview, "but in my own way. I am defending him by being
critical of him and the whole community of the Nahdlatul Ulama."

Ishom, 35, said he believed the largest Islamic organization
would concede to Abdurrahman's removal as long as it was not
based on some "morality flaws" such as alleged involvement in
scandals, financial or sexual, but more on the grounds of ill
health.

Ishom, a father of one whose wedding in early 2000 was
attended by Abdurrahman, describes himself as a young NU member
from the "cultural" faction as opposed to the "political"
faction. "I am currently busy working on a film script based on
the work of Jujur Prananto. Garin Nugroho will direct the film,"
Ishom said. "The story revolves around the lives of the young
people in the pesantren (Islamic boarding school) and the
traditional values they embrace."

"Shooting will commence next month. I am obsessed to present
Islam from a different perspective than that shown in many
mystery films -- where the kyai (religious teacher) and Koranic
verses are used to chase away evil spirits. We want to make a
film which is more like those produced by Iranian filmmakers as
shown in the JiFFest last year," he added.

The following is an excerpt of his interview:

Question: You recently mentioned that NU had overstepped its
boundaries with regards to the current political situation. What
exactly did you mean?

Answer: NU has now been dragged into "practical politics",
whether or not it's aware of this. It's only natural that it is
defending its cadre, who happens to be the president now, but to
expend all of its energy toward this sole purpose endangers its
own existence.

Besides, we (NU) have made this commitment (to forswear
politics), so we really must keep our distance from the existing
political forces. This means we really need to reposition
ourselves, return to our original stance, which is the
safeguarding of people's morality.

Q: Why is NU expending all of its energy toward keeping
Abdurrahman in his seat?

A: I support the observation of (political scientist) Riswandha
Himawan that Gus Dur has politically exploited (our) culture and
religion. If the kyai say they're ready to defend Gus Dur to the
death, that's because (they believe) it involves their dignity.

Many of the kyai actually have a wise outlook of the
situation. Unfortunately, it's probably too late to air those
views now.

For instance, they would not mind if Gus Dur stepped down due
to physical problems or ill health. They would not be upset if
this were so.

But they would never tolerate anyone trying to pull Gus Dur
down on the basis of moral flaws such as corruption or scandals
with women. They would fight this all the way.

It's because they believe there's no way Abdurrahman Wahid
could have committed such immoral acts. Also, because if Gus Dur
were to be removed on the basis of those scandals, NU would be
stamped with a stigma.

Really, the kyai should have spoken up and conveyed this view
before the House of Representatives issued its first memorandum
of censure so that Gus Dur would have had ample time to consider
it well.

It's too late now. If Gus Dur lost his position now, everyone
would only associate it with some sort of immorality.

Q: Had this view been conveyed before the first memorandum, how
do you think people would have reacted?

A: I think they would have responded more wisely. Besides, even
the kyai have actually often "censured" Gus Dur. They have often
advised him to select only good aides.

This would be in line with a saying of Prophet Muhammad, which
is: "If Allah wants a good leader, He will give him good aides."
Good aides are those who dare to rebuke a leader when he neglects
his duty.

Unfortunately, this administration has several times made
blunders when selecting assistants.

Q: How do the kyai think the country should be run?

A: Most of the content of the Koran is historical ibrah
(lessons). The Pharaoh, for instance, was the symbol of an
authoritarian and oppressive rule. Authoritarian rule emerges
when there's a conspiracy between three main powers, namely the
political elite (represented by the Pharaoh), the economic elite
(Qarun, the richest conglomerate under the Pharaoh) and the
technocrat (Hamaan, who was the Pharaoh's vizier).

The New Order regime, I believe, resembled this model. The
political elite was the Armed Forces (then ABRI) and the Golkar
Party, the economic elite was the "black" conglomerates while the
technocrats included some of those in the Association of
Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI). When these three powers
conspired, an authoritarian New Order regime was born.

Under the Pharaoh, the defender of people's morality was
Moses. Under the New Order, NU and its kyai represented Moses.

The problem now is that NU has become part of the power, it
has become even the apex of power. So who is the Moses now?

Q: Does it benefit or harm, NU, to have its cadre as president?

A: The kyai see it differently. One of the most senior kyai said,
"We've had more problems since Gus Dur became president because
we have had to keep on explaining to the people. We don't get
anything, but we have to clean the mess after him."

An American anthropologist from Florida, Ronald Luken Bulls,
came to my place last year to see what changes have come our way
now that Gus Dur is the president. I showed him how not much has
changed, how many of the NU followers still have to sell their
goats to pay their way to attend istighosah (mass prayers).

This anthropologist concluded that no significant change had
taken place in NU because of Gus Dur's presidency.

Q: You are the son of Abdurrahman's aunt, how do you position
yourself in relation to the President?

A: I am in a very awkward situation. I am a former member of the
syuriah (lawmaking) body of NU's East Java chapter.

The problem is that even though Gus Dur was once a pioneer of
democratization, this democratization has not touched NU.
Dissenting voices are usually pushed aside.

Q: The teachings of the pesantren is more of a tasawuf
(mysticism). Why then are some NU members involved in violence?

A: It is probably because some of the elite in NU, at the local,
regional or national level, have resorted to mobilizing the
masses for their causes.

During the New Order, the tool of repression was the military.
Now the military has returned to the barracks. The powerful elite
still need sheer force. That's why they make use of their masses
of supporters.

In this case, they're not unlike the New Order regime.

Q: You mentioned that some NU members are exploiting the
organization to further their own political and economic
interests...

A: This upsets me. I learned from history that (NU founder) Kyai
Hasyim Asyari, when in Mecca, took a bai'at (oath) with the
Muslim students there, especially those from South Asia. They
vowed to mobilize the force and potential of the Muslim ummah
(community) to liberate all Islamic communities that are still
being colonized.

Kyai Hasyim built an international network, corresponding with
Pakistan's (leader) Ali Jinnah. When the Islamic movement rose
against Britain and France in Syria, he held an apel akbar (large
gathering) in support of the cause in various cities.

Q: When did NU start to become more of a localized organization?

A: I don't know. During the leadership of Kyai A. Wahid Hasyim,
it was quite good. He went against Kyai Hasyim and developed the
Nizhamiyah schools where a regular curriculum with English,
Dutch, geography and many other subjects was taught.

He said, "If we did not do this, our students would not be
able to play any role (in society) once we're independent."

Q: Personally I find it rather strange that President
Abdurrahman, who is the grandson of Kyai Asyari who had taken an
oath to defend the Muslims, once admitted that he felt closer to
Israel than Arab. How do you explain it?

A: I find it difficult to explain that really. I don't know, but
Gus Dur once said he wanted us to develop and perfect the
thoughts of Hasyim Asyari. I don't know if this leaning toward
Israel and the international world is part of his quest to
develop Kyai Hasyim Asyari's thoughts, which he believes have yet
to be completed. I really don't know.

Q: What kind of personal relationship do you have with Gus Dur?

A: Very good, despite my being critical of him. I have met with
him twice since he was elected president, once at the palace and
once in Tebuireng pesantren.

Gus Dur likes to seek the meaning of dreams. Once I dreamed
about giving Gus Dur a ride on an old motorcycle. Some soldiers
blocked our way. They just would not believe that the person
riding behind me was the President. So I ran over them.

I asked Gus Dur, "What's the meaning of my dream, Mas (elder
brother)? He said, "That means you have to run over the
military."