Thu, 20 Aug 1998

Govt must solve PDI conflict

By Johannes Nugroho

JAKARTA (JP): The prolonged internal conflict in the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) hovers over President B.J. Habibie's revamped court like a shadow from the past as his government has chosen to remain at loggerheads with the party's ousted leader, Megawati Soekarnoputri.

Amid the government's publicly pledged fervor for reform, however short-lived it was or may turn out to be, various analysts have been dumbfounded by the present administration's dogged refusal to recognize Megawati's political legitimacy and sovereignty as leader of PDI.

Megawati, a daughter of first Indonesian president Sukarno, was ousted at a congress allegedly sponsored by former president Soeharto's New Order government in 1996, which then elected Soerjadi as the party's chairman.

The Habibie government's foot-dragging on getting to the bottom of the matter suggests more skeletons in the closet.

If anything else, the recalcitrant handling of PDI's "externally imposed" conflict goes to prove the degree of political reform the nation has actually undergone. Habibie's administration is, despite the newfound freedom of expression, essentially congruent with the toppled New Order government. Mutations on the edges in the form of civil liberties do not count for much.

Habibie's administration, choked with recycled products of Soeharto's era, has proved to be dormant, crypto-Soehartoist. Its practitioners may not necessarily harbor any ambitions in bringing Soeharto back to power but they, being true derivatives of Soehartoism, consciously or subconsciously still employ the same backhanded methods to conserve their positions.

Former Armed Forces (ABRI) commander Feisal Tanjung, in one of his brusque replies to questions on his alleged involvement in the bloody takeover of PDI's headquarters by Soerjadi's followers from Megawati's on July 27, 1996, said: "You all know how it was during Soeharto's times. Let bygones be bygones."

In this statement alone, Feisal, who is now coordinating minister for security and political affairs, unwittingly admitted his involvement or at least knowledge of the government- orchestrated attack at the headquarters in Central Jakarta. By reminding us of the horrors of Soeharto's era, he has also identified himself as one of those belonging to the "bygone" era who has managed to smoothly find his way into the supposedly "reformed" administration with a strategic portfolio position in the Cabinet.

Meanwhile, Lt. Gen. Syarwan Hamid, a former ABRI chief for social and political affairs who was alleged to have meddled in PDI's internal affairs, was installed as minister of home affairs after leaving his position as deputy speaker for the ABRI faction at the House of Representatives (DPR)/People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).

He apparently cultivated his belated reformist inclinations when he joined MPR leaders to demand Soeharto's resignation from the presidency in May.

With five high-ranking generals (including the aforementioned two) fingered by Megawati's faction as the culprits in the July 27, 1996, tragedy, it is becoming evident that ABRI was deeply involved in the scandalous affair. This also means that ABRI has lengthened its list of cases that have to be dismantled, which also includes the shooting of Trisakti University students last May, the involvement of the Army's Special Force (Kopassus) in the abduction of political activists earlier this year, which is still under investigation, and the massive killing of rally participants at Tanjung Priok in North Jakarta in 1984.

Considering the probable intercorrelations among all the cases, Megawati's insistence on the truth might steer the way to the unearthing of all the malice of the New Order administration and the crypto-Soehartoists hiding behind the safety of the word "reform". Coupled with Soerjadi's alleged willingness to "sing" to the police, the PDI question has become a thorn in ABRI's side.

Furthermore, it is likely that many of these crypto- Soehartoists are still unable to forgive Megawati for having revolted and rejected their political orchestra. Megawati, one of the Soeharto regime's most formidable opponents, was the first public figure to snub the establishment by suing government officials and even the President over the PDI political sabotage, and, to make matters worse, she "got away" with it. The government dared not touch Megawati owing to the scope of her followers and the international exposure she astutely captured.

Most importantly, ABRI's efforts to hinder Megawati from reaching full political legitimacy may have to do with its ambivalent attitude toward the civilian politician, who once publicly declared her disapproval of a strong military presence within the administration. As far as ABRI is concerned, Megawati's rise to power might jeopardize its privileged, strategic as well as unconstitutional politicized position. ABRI is also concerned that the modern state that Megawati has proposed will exclude ABRI from the decision-making process and relegate them to a body of order-taking soldiers.

Nevertheless, in the midst of the wrangling over PDI's status and whether the government ought to recognize Megawati's leadership over PDI, it is Megawati herself who benefits. As a persecuted political leader with a large number of followers, affirmed by a just cause, she has received unanimous support from the media. The phenomenal press coverage of her cause and the injustice that the government keeps inflicting upon the PDI have done nothing but enhance her political stature and legitimacy in the eyes of the electorate.

In due course, the government's attempt to sabotage her political rise has boomeranged; as a result Megawati has been given a free sympathetic portrayal in the media. Her resilience and dignified flawlessness have been the hallmarks of her political maturity. Indeed she has emerged triumphant from the superimposed calamity.

It is of urgent necessity that the government submit the rightful recognition which Megawati abundantly deserves. It is of more importance that the matter be resolved before the coming general election scheduled for May next year. A failure by the government to unknot the dilemma could result in another boycott by the Megawati faction in a supposedly democratic ballot, a highly paradoxical scenario.

The declaration of "solidarity", and even the suggestion of a "coalition", between the People's Awakening Party newly established by leaders of the largest Moslem organization Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Megawati's PDI signal NU's stance on the issue. NU, as the country's largest organization, will not tolerate further injustice toward Megawati's PDI.

It has also transpired that the international community wishes to see Megawati restored to her former position and given a fair chance to pursue her political career. Even though the international community has not been vocal on this particular domestic issue, the number of foreign diplomats who have had an audience with Megawati exposes their concern.

The United States has so far treated Habibie's administration with suppressed caution, marked by the postponement of a meeting between Habibie and President Bill Clinton. U.S. Secretary of Defense William Cohen, on a recent visit to Jakarta, revealed that the U.S. government was in favor of "political reform", a subtle hint that there is still some "unfinished business".

Bearing in mind that Megawati has been magnanimous about Soeharto, it is unlikely that Megawati will continue with a personal vendetta against the government if it is prepared to reveal the truth. It would be damaging to her own image if Megawati decided to pursue the culprits ruthlessly after recognition was given.

In the face of mounting pressure to publicly recognize Megawati's leadership of the PDI, the government and ABRI are left with no choice but to bow to the pressure. The persistent obstructions against Megawati have backfired, allowing her to grow in stature and political maturity.

In the lead up to what hopefully will be the first democratic election since 1955, the PDI's status must be settled for once and for all. Further resistance and recalcitrance would be political suicide for the present administration and ABRI.

The writer works at the International Language Program, Surabaya.

Window: It is of urgent necessity that the government submit the rightful recognition which Megawati abundantly deserves. It is of more importance that the matter be resolved before the coming general election scheduled for May next year.