Govt must solve PDI conflict

Govt must solve PDI conflict

By Johannes Nugroho

JAKARTA (JP): The prolonged internal conflict in the
Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) hovers over President B.J.
Habibie's revamped court like a shadow from the past as his
government has chosen to remain at loggerheads with the party's
ousted leader, Megawati Soekarnoputri.

Amid the government's publicly pledged fervor for reform,
however short-lived it was or may turn out to be, various
analysts have been dumbfounded by the present administration's
dogged refusal to recognize Megawati's political legitimacy and
sovereignty as leader of PDI.

Megawati, a daughter of first Indonesian president Sukarno,
was ousted at a congress allegedly sponsored by former president
Soeharto's New Order government in 1996, which then elected
Soerjadi as the party's chairman.

The Habibie government's foot-dragging on getting to the
bottom of the matter suggests more skeletons in the closet.

If anything else, the recalcitrant handling of PDI's
"externally imposed" conflict goes to prove the degree of
political reform the nation has actually undergone. Habibie's
administration is, despite the newfound freedom of expression,
essentially congruent with the toppled New Order government.
Mutations on the edges in the form of civil liberties do not
count for much.

Habibie's administration, choked with recycled products of
Soeharto's era, has proved to be dormant, crypto-Soehartoist. Its
practitioners may not necessarily harbor any ambitions in
bringing Soeharto back to power but they, being true derivatives
of Soehartoism, consciously or subconsciously still employ the
same backhanded methods to conserve their positions.

Former Armed Forces (ABRI) commander Feisal Tanjung, in one of
his brusque replies to questions on his alleged involvement in
the bloody takeover of PDI's headquarters by Soerjadi's followers
from Megawati's on July 27, 1996, said: "You all know how it was
during Soeharto's times. Let bygones be bygones."

In this statement alone, Feisal, who is now coordinating
minister for security and political affairs, unwittingly admitted
his involvement or at least knowledge of the government-
orchestrated attack at the headquarters in Central Jakarta. By
reminding us of the horrors of Soeharto's era, he has also
identified himself as one of those belonging to the "bygone" era
who has managed to smoothly find his way into the supposedly
"reformed" administration with a strategic portfolio position in
the Cabinet.

Meanwhile, Lt. Gen. Syarwan Hamid, a former ABRI chief for
social and political affairs who was alleged to have meddled in
PDI's internal affairs, was installed as minister of home affairs
after leaving his position as deputy speaker for the ABRI faction
at the House of Representatives (DPR)/People's Consultative
Assembly (MPR).

He apparently cultivated his belated reformist inclinations
when he joined MPR leaders to demand Soeharto's resignation from
the presidency in May.

With five high-ranking generals (including the aforementioned
two) fingered by Megawati's faction as the culprits in the July
27, 1996, tragedy, it is becoming evident that ABRI was deeply
involved in the scandalous affair. This also means that ABRI has
lengthened its list of cases that have to be dismantled, which
also includes the shooting of Trisakti University students last
May, the involvement of the Army's Special Force (Kopassus) in
the abduction of political activists earlier this year, which is
still under investigation, and the massive killing of rally
participants at Tanjung Priok in North Jakarta in 1984.

Considering the probable intercorrelations among all the
cases, Megawati's insistence on the truth might steer the way to
the unearthing of all the malice of the New Order administration
and the crypto-Soehartoists hiding behind the safety of the word
"reform". Coupled with Soerjadi's alleged willingness to "sing"
to the police, the PDI question has become a thorn in ABRI's
side.

Furthermore, it is likely that many of these crypto-
Soehartoists are still unable to forgive Megawati for having
revolted and rejected their political orchestra. Megawati, one of
the Soeharto regime's most formidable opponents, was the first
public figure to snub the establishment by suing government
officials and even the President over the PDI political sabotage,
and, to make matters worse, she "got away" with it. The
government dared not touch Megawati owing to the scope of her
followers and the international exposure she astutely captured.

Most importantly, ABRI's efforts to hinder Megawati from
reaching full political legitimacy may have to do with its
ambivalent attitude toward the civilian politician, who once
publicly declared her disapproval of a strong military presence
within the administration. As far as ABRI is concerned,
Megawati's rise to power might jeopardize its privileged,
strategic as well as unconstitutional politicized position. ABRI
is also concerned that the modern state that Megawati has
proposed will exclude ABRI from the decision-making process and
relegate them to a body of order-taking soldiers.

Nevertheless, in the midst of the wrangling over PDI's status
and whether the government ought to recognize Megawati's
leadership over PDI, it is Megawati herself who benefits. As a
persecuted political leader with a large number of followers,
affirmed by a just cause, she has received unanimous support from
the media. The phenomenal press coverage of her cause and the
injustice that the government keeps inflicting upon the PDI have
done nothing but enhance her political stature and legitimacy in
the eyes of the electorate.

In due course, the government's attempt to sabotage her
political rise has boomeranged; as a result Megawati has been
given a free sympathetic portrayal in the media. Her resilience
and dignified flawlessness have been the hallmarks of her
political maturity. Indeed she has emerged triumphant from the
superimposed calamity.

It is of urgent necessity that the government submit the
rightful recognition which Megawati abundantly deserves. It is of
more importance that the matter be resolved before the coming
general election scheduled for May next year. A failure by the
government to unknot the dilemma could result in another boycott
by the Megawati faction in a supposedly democratic ballot, a
highly paradoxical scenario.

The declaration of "solidarity", and even the suggestion of a
"coalition", between the People's Awakening Party newly
established by leaders of the largest Moslem organization
Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Megawati's PDI signal NU's stance on the
issue. NU, as the country's largest organization, will not
tolerate further injustice toward Megawati's PDI.

It has also transpired that the international community wishes
to see Megawati restored to her former position and given a fair
chance to pursue her political career. Even though the
international community has not been vocal on this particular
domestic issue, the number of foreign diplomats who have had an
audience with Megawati exposes their concern.

The United States has so far treated Habibie's administration
with suppressed caution, marked by the postponement of a meeting
between Habibie and President Bill Clinton. U.S. Secretary of
Defense William Cohen, on a recent visit to Jakarta, revealed
that the U.S. government was in favor of "political reform", a
subtle hint that there is still some "unfinished business".

Bearing in mind that Megawati has been magnanimous about
Soeharto, it is unlikely that Megawati will continue with a
personal vendetta against the government if it is prepared to
reveal the truth. It would be damaging to her own image if
Megawati decided to pursue the culprits ruthlessly after
recognition was given.

In the face of mounting pressure to publicly recognize
Megawati's leadership of the PDI, the government and ABRI are
left with no choice but to bow to the pressure. The persistent
obstructions against Megawati have backfired, allowing her to
grow in stature and political maturity.

In the lead up to what hopefully will be the first democratic
election since 1955, the PDI's status must be settled for once
and for all. Further resistance and recalcitrance would be
political suicide for the present administration and ABRI.

The writer works at the International Language Program,
Surabaya.

Window: It is of urgent necessity that the government submit the
rightful recognition which Megawati abundantly deserves. It is of
more importance that the matter be resolved before the coming
general election scheduled for May next year.