Govt lacks resolve in settling Poso conflict

Govt lacks resolve in settling Poso conflict

The prolonged communal conflict in Poso, Central Sulawesi has
yet to be entirely settled despite government efforts in
sponsoring the Malino peace deal. Sulaiman Mamar, a professor of
anthropology at the Tadulako University in the province capital
of Palu spoke to Jakarta Post contributor Badri Jawara about the
root causes of the conflict which originated five years ago.

Question: Many peace deals have been made between the warring
factions, either sponsored by locals or the government. However,
the conflict continues. What is the cause of this?

Answer: The conflicts in Poso and Ambon, Maluku province,
could not be partially dealt with. The government and those who
insist that the conflict end cannot act like fire fighters. There
must be a systematic and comprehensive plan.

Before the Malino agreements were signed, Poso local leaders
had signed a deal witnessed by then president Abdurrahman Wahid.
But, after that fresh clashes erupted here and there, claiming
several lives.

The Malino deals were the result of a comprehensive plan;
unfortunately, actions to follow up the deals have been too slow.
Take the building of temporary houses for victims. Twelve
thousand houses were devastated and the Ministry of Settlement
and Regional Infrastructure prioritized 6,000 new temporary
homes. However, only 1,000 were built in eight months. Aid
arrived too late. These factors could trigger new clashes.

Religion and ethnical problems could spark conflicts
everywhere. But don't forget that economic, political and socio-
cultural problems have also played major roles.

The Minister of Home Affairs had promised to provide training
to local civil servants on managing the conflict, in addition to
promising financial aid. The Ministry has not kept its word.

Q: Are natives of Poso violent people? Or are they merely very
particular about differences in religion and ethnicity?

A: The people of Poso did not inherit a tradition of conflict
from their ancestors. Clashes in the early 19th century were
commonplace in this archipelago. Conflict of interest started
with a rebellious group named Permesta (Pemberontakan Rakyat
Semesta -- The People of Universe) and the people of Manado
(North Sulawesi) who ruled the economy. The indigenous Poso began
to be marginalized at that time.

The core problem is politics, related to religious affairs.
Religious and ethnicity issues can provoke anger very easily.
Those involved in the genocide were not the Pamona people
(natives of Poso). Those found guilty (by the court) in the Poso
clashes were all outsiders.

Q: Religions have been used for political bargaining. How do you
see this?

A: Most of the Christian community had hoped that Yahya Patiro,
the provincial secretary, would be promoted to replace Arif
Patanga as the Poso regent. Yahya was considered the most
appropriate person to represent the Christians. But, the ruling
Golkar insisted that Muin Pusadan, who is a Muslim, replace Arif,
whereas the new provincial secretary, who replaced Yahya, was
also a Muslim.

People started to feel that their sense of justice was
compromised, as there had been an unwritten commitment that if
the regent is a Muslim the provincial secretary must be a
Christian and vice versa.

Each (religious) group had interpreted justice from their own
short-term interest. Therefore, there were many Muslims and
Christians who changed religions. The Muslims became Christian
and vice versa.

Tentena, a small town some 60 kilometers from Poso, was set as
a Christian area since the Dutch colonial era. The program was a
failure since migrants entering Poso and Tentena were from Bugis,
Gorontalo and Java; they were mostly Muslims.

Initially the Christians outnumbered the Muslims there. The
migrants then apparently balanced the ratio, sparking rivalry
between the two. The fact that the migrants were economically
stronger than the indigenous people triggered jealousy.

Q: With the economic and political gaps between the migrants and
the native people, is it reasonable for the local administrations
to be impartial?

A: The conflicts would have not claimed any lives if the
government had managed it quickly, and wisely. In this autonomy
era the local administrations can make regulations limiting the
ownership of land and property.

There must be a way to provide (landless) indigenous people
with plots of land, just like resettlers who are given plots of
land and aid for some years under the transmigration program.

The locals should be treated like that so as not to drive them
from their homeland, defeating the purpose of the transmigration
program.

Q: What's the difference between the Poso and Ambon (Maluku)
conflicts?

A: The structure of the conflicts and the cases are generally
very similar. There were religious and ethnicity sentiments in
Ambon and Poso. The recent issue in Ambon was separatism ...
Whatever the case, the result is death.

In Poso, the trigger was liquor. Later, groups of people
manipulated the situation and developed a new issue: Religion. We
know who was behind this, but we don't have hard evidence. I also
see a national scenario involving political elites at the central
government level. Some elites prepare a peace deal for Poso,
others move against fearing that those preparing the peace deal
will get promoted.

If the government, the military and police had been sincere
and serious in settling the conflicts, the provocateurs and the
snipers could have been arrested.

Q: What would you recommend to end the conflicts in Poso and
other restive ares like Ambon?

A: The security apparatus and law enforcers should act promptly
and professionally. The military or police should have sent a
group of qualified senior personnel to Poso, not new recruits.
They simply lack the experience and wisdom to deal with this
issue. It's not their fault.

The existing data on refugees is outdated, causing disruption
in the distribution of aid. The refugee handling must be
integrated under the auspices of local social affairs offices. So
far there are too many institutions involved in refugee handling.

Q: At what level should improvement begin?

A: People must be made aware that there has been a third party
behind all this. There must be awareness at the grassroots level
to oppose provocation from outside. There must be built-in social
resilience among the people and it is painfully obvious that the
(local) people need empowerment.