Govt, GAM must show commitment to peace

Govt, GAM must show commitment to peace

Aboeprijadi Santoso, Contributor, Geneva

"Take the guns out of the politics and let us together build a
peaceful, democratic and peaceful Aceh within the framework of
the Republic of Indonesia," said Coordinating Minister for
Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono at the
office of Indonesia's Permanent Representative in Geneva, after
the signing of the peace agreement with the rebel Free Aceh
Movement (GAM) on Monday.

Separately, and equally adamant, Dr. Zaini Abdullah of GAM,
sitting next to his boss, "the Prime Minister of Neugara Aceh"
Malik Mahmud, said that GAM was still striving for an independent
Aceh.

"The achievement made today is the direct result of the
struggle and sacrifices of our people. It is our pledge and
commitment to accept whatever democratic decision they take,"
said Zaini.

In other words, both sides of the conflict are still a long
way from a solution in Aceh. Substantially, they still differ
greatly, yet both hailed the Dec. 9 agreement as a "milestone".

For the third time -- the first and second were in January
2001 and May 2002 joint statements -- both sides confirmed their
commitment, in an elaborate agreement, to respecting a democratic
process in Aceh.

Unlike the earlier statements, the text this time is more
elaborate, focusing on the attempt to halt the bloodshed in the
province. Rather than a peace accord, this agreement is modestly
called "The Cessation of Hostilities Agreement". It reflects a
deep awareness on the part of both sides of the complexity of the
situation and the initial nature of the steps to be taken toward
a solution.

If implemented, it will begin a process toward a democratic
solution in Aceh. At the same time, it is in the interest of both
sides to show the international community that they are now fully
committed to an agreement to end the bloodshed and hostilities.

For, unlike with the earlier agreements, the Henry Dunant
Centre (HDC), as mediator, is now strengthened by U.S. Marine
Gen. Anthony Zinni and two former foreign ministers (from
Thailand and Yugoslavia).

Likewise, its monitoring teams will include personnel from
foreign militaries, who will operate under the HDC flag.

The nine-article agreement is expected to become the basis for
an all-inclusive dialog among various groups of Acehnese, which
in turn will define the nature of the election in 2004 of an
Acehnese administration. This point is in accordance with the May
agreement, which serves as a basis for the present one. In this
way it is hoped that both RI and GAM will play the game according
to democratic rules.

But GAM representatives said in Geneva they were confident the
dialog would not lead to an acceptance of the special autonomy
package called NAD (Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam), so they hoped the
process would enable the 2004 elections to choose an independent
and democratic Aceh.

"There are going to be two general elections in 2004, one for
Indonesia and one for Aceh. The latter will shape a new Acehnese
government," said Nur Djuli, a member of the GAM delegation.

"We do not need to call it a referendum," added Malik Mahmud.

It all depends on the all-inclusive dialog in Aceh. If NAD is
rejected, the Aceh elections will result in an independent Aceh.
Conversely, "if NAD is agreed upon, GAM should accept that Aceh
will remain part of RI", Malik said.

The Indonesian negotiator Wiryono Sastrohandoyo concurred,
saying the whole process of reviewing NAD should be a democratic
one. "Whatever the result, we should accept it. We are a
democratic country, aren't we?"

In any case, he emphasized, the result will be a new Aceh
government within the framework of the unitary state of
Indonesia.

But there are numerous sensitive and substantive issues ahead.
First the agreement of cessation of hostilities must be
implemented and implemented successfully. The demilitarization of
Aceh should result in "peace zones" where Indonesia and the Tokyo
donor countries can concentrate on humanitarian and development
aid.

Some observers saw the siege at Cot Trieng and the Tokyo
meeting of donor countries as simultaneous military and
diplomatic offenses to show Jakarta's determination to resolve
the Aceh conflict "once and for all".

Indonesian delegates believe the first two months of the peace
agreement will be a period of adjustment to the new norms and
conditions on the ground, but that the subsequent five months
should enable the two sides to proceed to the next phase -- that
of defining the modalities of the all-inclusive dialog.

Meanwhile, one point is likely to be crucial, i.e. whether
there will be enough monitors to control the implementation of
the peace process. The agreed upon number of 150 observers (50
from Indonesia, 50 from GAM and 50 from HDC) is here seen as
problematic.

But Indonesia's political czar Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono,
recalling his experience in the former Yugoslavia where his
mission worked with some 600 military observers, said 150
observers should be effective, although he didn't seem to
preclude expanding the monitoring team.

Malik Mahmud of GAM, on the other hand, expressed skepticism
about the agreed upon number, but emphasized "at least now we
have an agreement to start the peace process".

Some independent sources here recalled that even 1,000 lightly
armed civilian UN-Civpols in East Timor -- an area much smaller
than Aceh with a population only a fourth of Aceh's -- in 1999
were unable to prevent the Indonesian Army from disrupting the
peace process and committing massacres.

Yet the agreement has been hailed as a great achievement by
the HDC, Indonesia and GAM. In contrast to the joint statement of
January 2001, however, the agreement made no reference to the
human rights violations by both sides. It also only summarily
refers to the role in the peace process of the civil society,
many of whose members -- NGO, human rights and student activists
-- were killed during the conflict.

But as an initial pact to end a bloody conflict on the ground,
the agreement is generally considered to be a significant step.
Having received credit for this, the HDC and both sides of the
conflict now have to prove their commitment to peace on the
ground. Only then will the agreement be meaningful for the
Acehnese.