Golkar's hostile stance?

Is President Megawati Soekarnoputri losing her biggest coalition supporter in the House of Representatives? That question arises after leaders of the second largest party in the legislature, Golkar, came out last week with harsh criticisms of various policies of President Megawati Soekarnoputri's government.

The question is not, however, prompted by the criticisms themselves. After all, as the second largest faction in the House, Golkar has the right, and even the obligation, to exercise effective control over the government. But it is rather heightened by the timing of the attack, the ammunition used to shoot at the government and the sudden turnaround in Golkar's stance as regards some policies the party had previously supported.

That the lambasting took place only a few days after Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung was declared a suspect in the Bulog corruption scandal by the Attorney General implied that the criticisms were not made in good faith as part of an effort to suggest better, alternative policies.

The party slammed the government's policies on rice, fuel, telecommunications, education and the privatization of state companies.

One cannot help but feel that the attack reflects more than disillusionment on the part of Golkar leaders over what they see as a lack of support from President Megawati in preventing Akbar from being charged as a suspect.

Take for example Golkar's outright opposition to the sale of state-controlled PT Semen Gresik to Mexico's Cemex and to the asset swap between PT Telkom and PT Indosat, both state telecommunications companies.

The arguments Golkar adduces to support its point of view do not make any sense at all. Claiming that selling off Semen Gresik is against the policy of the People's Consultative Assembly, the country's top legislative body, as no law has yet been passed on privatization is entirely irrational.

The privatization program has been repeatedly mandated in MPR decrees, and has consistently been embodied in state budget laws over the past decade and in the government reform program agreed on with the International Monetary Fund since 1997. That the implementation of the program has suffered many delays is entirely true, but that does not render it in violation of the law.

Why, then, is Golkar now suddenly taking up arms against the Telkom-Indosat asset swap that was concluded in February, 2001, as part of the reform of the two state companies in anticipation of the end of their monopolies in 2003?

Despite all the questions, it is too early to conclude that the adversarial stance expressed by Golkar leaders will become its permanent political posture, meaning that it would indiscriminately oppose any reform policy to be proposed by the government to the House. Perhaps the attack is simply a tactic by Golkar to warn President Megawati of what would likely be the cost to her government of Akbar's prosecution.

Yet, we still find it difficult to believe that all Golkar leaders could be so insensible, irrational and narrow-minded as to put the interests of their party, or those of their chairman, above the national interest and, by so doing, destroy the future of their party.

Whichever the case may be, President Megawati should stand firm and allow the due process of law to run its course. Any sign of compromise on the part of Megawati as regards the legal process against Akbar would damage her credibility and would destroy the public's confidence in her government's commitment to combating corruption, collusion and nepotism.

Political harassment by the Golkar faction in the House could make things more difficult for the government, which is now racing against time to simultaneously pursue various policy reforms as part of a concerted effort to speed up the economic recovery. Losing Golkar's support would be especially detrimental now when the government badly needs that support for the smooth implementation of a series of painful measures to be taken this month, such as the raising of fuel prices, and electricity and telecommunications charges. A hostile Golkar party could also produce negative reverberations in provincial and district legislatures and administrations where the party plays a dominant role.

But if the price of Golkar support is backtracking on the reform movement, notably the fight against corruption, such an alliance is not worthwhile at all. What is the value of support from a party that prefers its own interests, and those of its chairman, to the nation's aspirations?

We believe President Megawati's steadfast resistance to Golkar pressure will earn her government the support of the other factions in the House and the full confidence of the people. Even if Golkar was able to canvas the support of some other House factions, Megawati could still appeal directly to the people to back her fight in keeping the reform movement on the right track.