Golkar's congress and RI's political development

Golkar's congress and RI's political development

Jusuf Wanandi, Jakarta

Golkar was established as a coordinating secretariat in 1963
and as a united front against the PKI (Indonesian Communist
Party). It was initiated by the Indonesian Army. It consisted of
many vocational and other groupings: labor, youth, students,
women, academics, ulema, professional organizations (doctors,
engineers, lawyers, economists, social scientists, etc.) and, of
course, representatives of the Army. Other small social
organizations created earlier by the Army, such as SOKSI,
KOSGORO, and the MKGR, were included.

Golkar became a potent political force only after the general
elections of 1971, when it won 62 percent of the vote and seats
in parliament. That opened the chance of, and gave rise to the
necessity for, consolidation, which took place during Golkar's
first congress in Surabaya in 1973, when it was transformed into
a political party through the amalgamation of the above groups.

After its consolidation, Golkar was often compared to the PRI
(Institutional Revolution Party) in Mexico, which also consists
of various interest groups, alternating the presidency between
them. The PRI has had a majority in the national legislature for
a very long time indeed.

Soeharto was the one that consolidated Golkar, but he never
allowed it to become a full-fledged political party with
grassroots support, and a cadre system -- a party capable of
defining the role of the government. Instead, Golkar became his
political vehicle as head of the government to mobilize public
support for his policies and to ensure his re-election at the
polls. The parliament, where Golkar was handed a majority in six
consecutive general elections, was just a rubber stamp for
president Soeharto.

This began to change when Akbar Tandjung took over following
Soeharto's fall, when Golkar was completely demoralized and
discredited as a result of the role it played in Soeharto's
authoritarian system. He turned Golkar into a party that grows
from the grassroots. In the democratic elections of 2004, Golkar
emerged as the biggest party in its own right.

During the upcoming congress, slated to start on Dec. 18,
Golkar faces new challenges. Two questions immediately arise: Who
will lead Golkar, and will it act as a "loyal" opposition in the
House of Representatives? However, the more important question is
whether Golkar can continue to consolidate as a democratic party.

There are three main candidates for the chairmanship: Akbar
Tandjung, Gen. (ret) Wiranto, and Surya Paloh, the media mogul.
Clearly, Akbar Tandjung is the best equipped to do the job. He
has had the experience of expanding Golkar during a very
difficult period, which involved converting Golkar from an
authoritarian-based party into a democratic one. This is a
critical factor for Golkar's future as the political environment
demands that Golkar adopts democracy as its sine qua non. With
due respect, it is doubtful that the other two candidates can do
that.

Wiranto was a military man his whole life before turning to
politics. This is hardly a conducive environment for producing a
democrat. Eisenhower or Powell came from different cultural
backgrounds, and were used to democratic (civilian) control over
the armed forces. In comparison, during Soeharto's 32 years the
military was his praetorian guard. Moreover, Wiranto is still
under international indictment for the abuses in East Timor in
1999. His popularity was tested during the recent presidential
election, and has been found wanting.

Surya Paloh, a businessman, does not come from very democratic
surroundings either as a business is rarely democratic. If a
business were to be democratic, it is unlikely that it would make
money. The examples of Berlusconi and Thaksin immediately come to
mind.

Akbar also came to the fore under Soeharto, but he has been
able to overcome the stigma by demonstrating that as the party
chairman he has been able to change Golkar into a more democratic
institution over the last five years. It is ironic that a group
of Golkar "seniors", who served diligently under Soeharto and
Habibie, are now publicly demanding that Akbar step aside.
Instead, they have thrown their support behind Wiranto. This will
only serve to bring about a resurrection of the Golkar party of
old, which enjoyed its heyday at a time when democracy was
stiffled, abuses were the norm, and authoritarianism was the
order of the day. Should this pattern be repeated, Golkar will
not have a very bright future.

Most importantly, both Wiranto and Surya Paloh have never been
sufficiently involved in a hands-on manner in the day-to-day
running of Golkar to understand and appreciate the values and the
networking that are critical to success as the party's leader.

In Mexico, the PRI has also took a beating when the political
system was finally opened up following intense pressure from the
people. But the PRI under President Ernesto Zedillo was able to
adjust and managed to maintain its domination of the country's
national and state legislatures. Now, after a period of
consolidation and adjustment, as well as of opening up, the PRI
again has a chance of taking the presidency during the 2005
election.

Golkar's future development as the country's biggest party is
crucial for Indonesia's democracy as healthy political parties
are a prerequisite to achieving real democracy. And the role of
Golkar as the "loyal" opposition in parliament is critical for
the emergence of a healthy and mature democracy. Successful
elections, that is to say, fair, peaceful and democratic
elections, as were experienced recently, are only the beginning.
Without a further deepening of the process, including
establishing a balance between the executive and legislative
branches, democracy can never really put down deep roots.

For this to happen, the participation of the Golkar leadership
will be vital.

The writer is a cofounder and member of the board of trustees
of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).