Golkar likely to force civil servants into politics
Golkar likely to force civil servants into politics
Golkar's attempt to sustain backing from civil servants in
elections by allowing them to become executives of political
parties under a bill being prepared by the House of
Representatives (DPR) has created a controversy. Political
analyst Arbi Sanit of the University of Indonesia discusses this
issue.
Question: Golkar wants the bill to allow civil servants to
hold executive posts in any political party but the government
and the Indonesian Civil Servants Corps (Korpri) have opposed it.
Isn't this a sign of a rift?
Arbi: They apparently have different views. On the one hand,
Golkar wants Korpri, one of its political machines, to continue
using its power to help the former win general elections. But the
latter wants to be get rid of any political influence from Golkar
and the other parties, so that its members can improve their
professionalism in serving the public.
Korpri executives apparently have realized that their
organization's loyalty to Golkar in the past three decades has
damaged its own image. They, therefore, want to be politically
neutral in the future.
Meanwhile, the government's teams of law drafters want to show
their idealism in formulating policies and Minister of Home
Affairs Syarwan Hamid, who comes from the military, prefers to
look neutral.
Q: What is driving Korpri to withdraw its political support from
Golkar?
A: Its executives may have become aware that its loyalty to
Golkar has affected the public's interests. If it maintained the
loyalty, for example, its personnel working as development
planners at government institutions might have to allocate more
funds for areas whose residents have supported Golkar than for
areas supporting other parties. Also, cheating in the procedures
of a general election might reoccur through the abuse of power by
village and district heads.
Q: But prohibiting civil servants from becoming party executives
is curtailing political rights of citizens, isn't it?
A: It is. But bureaucrats, both civilian and military, have
obtained the privilege of controlling bureaucratic power until
they enter their pensionable ages. In a democratic country,
bureaucrats must choose by either sustaining their bureaucratic
positions or becoming executives of political parties. If they
take both courses, they have excessive power.
Q: The other three DPR factions -- the United Development Party
(PPP), the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) and the Armed Forces
(ABRI) -- have opposed the bill. Do you think, Golkar will force
a vote?
A: It seems so because Golkar, which controls the majority of
seats in the DPR, is sure that it will win if it forces its
proposal to a vote. Pressure from the public, therefore, is still
important to prevent Golkar from forcing through its proposal.
Q: How can ABRI, as a traditional political partner, oppose
Golkar in this case?
A: I think it is ABRI's strategy of offering concessions by
releasing civil servants from the responsibility of becoming
party executives in order that it can sustain its mandatory seats
in the DPR.
Q: What do you think the outcome will be?
A: Considering that President B.J. Habibie has a strong ambition
to be reelected after next year's general election, he will need
strong support from Golkar and his government and, therefore, may
give Golkar a means to force through its proposal.
Q: How many seats must Golkar have in the DPR and the People's
Consultative Assembly (MPR) if it wants to dominate both law-
making institutions?
A: About 200 seats will be enough for it because its partner,
ABRI, is likely to control 55 of the 550 seats to be allocated
for the DPR. That number will also be adequate for the MPR, which
will comprise DPR members plus 150 group and regional
representatives because regional representatives will be elected
by the current Golkar-dominated local councils, while groups will
be represented by executives who have been appointed by the
government.
Q: What measures are open for Golkar to win the coming general
election?
A: Being afraid that it will lose some of its supporters after
the establishment of the Justice and Unity Party by prominent
Golkar figures, Golkar might resort to dishonest political tricks
in order to win a majority of votes. Even though it is no longer
popular among the people, it still controls its political
machines.
In the event that it fails to win the coming general election,
it may invite other parties to establish a coalition.
Q: Which parties will be willing to cooperate with Golkar?
A: Its most likely partners are the People's Awakening Party
(PKB), which is supported by the largest Muslim organization
Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), and smaller parties whose orientations are
development and welfare.
PKB is the most likely partner because NU's chairman,
Abdurrahman Wahid, has shown his flexibility in moving from one
political position to another. (riz)