Give Indonesia's democracy more credit

Endy M. Bayuni, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

The naysayers are at it again. No sooner was Vice President Jusuf Kalla elected Golkar chairman, and they are already warning that Indonesia's nascent democracy is under threat from the old guard of Golkar. Others say that with one foot in the executive branch and the other in the legislative branch, Jusuf could subvert the democratic powers of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Jusuf's election spells the death knell for our democracy, others would have us believe.

This is political punditry at its best.

Many political commentators stood ready to say anything, as long as it was negative, regardless of what the Golkar congress decided on the weekend in Bali. If the incumbent chairman Akbar Tandjung had won the election, they would still have written just as negatively about the process, as well as the outcome, of the congress.

Political punditry has now become a big industry, and being negative is one of its trademarks. Golkar is easy prey because of its past association with the Soeharto dictatorship.

But is it really as bad as they claim? Is Jusuf Kalla really that powerful that he, rather than the President, is calling all the shots now?

Perhaps.

But there are plenty of good reasons to rejoice at the outcome of Golkar congress. It promises greater stability for the government, but not necessarily at the expense of democracy.

For a start, Golkar will no longer be the powerful opposition party that it had become since President Susilo came to power in October.

Under Akbar, Golkar formed a formidable coalition with the political parties of two former presidents -- the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) of Megawati Soekarnoputri, and the National Awakening Party (PKB) of Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid -- in the House of Representatives.

Together, the Nationhood Coalition, which also includes a number of smaller parties, controls the House and has the ability to block the President's legislative agenda. Given the animosity these party leaders harbored after losing the presidential elections, the coalition was turning into a mere "let's beat up on Susilo" forum.

President Susilo's small Democrat Party (PD) formed the People's Coalition with other smaller, mostly Islamist, parties, but they are no match for the forces of the new "GAM" coalition, so named after the initials of Gus Dur, Akbar and Megawati.

With Golkar now expected to become the main supporter of the administration, President Susilo will no longer have to rely as much on the support of the Islamist parties like the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the United Development Party (PPP) and the Crescent Start Party (PBB).

This dependency has tended to make him beholden to the demands of these parties, which have their own political agenda. He had to concede more Cabinet seats than was really necessary to these parties, although ideologically, he is closer to the nationalist and pluralist parties like his own PD, and of course, Golkar.

Jusuf Kalla has already pronounced that the Nationhood Coalition is as good as dead. The People's Coalition, which was formed to counter the Nationhood Coalition, has thus also lost its raison d'etre.

In the coming days and weeks, we are likely to see the formation of new and healthier alliances in the House.

One alliance will be led by Golkar and another by PDIP, as the two largest political parties. One camp will support the President, and the other will be an opposition force.

The other smaller parties will just have to find their own place within these new power equations. Some of these parties may well swing back and forth between the two big camps, attempting to extract the most concessions, but that is politics.

Golkar will probably be able to secure greater support in the House for the President's programs. But this does not mean that the President and Golkar will always have their way.

Golkar controls only 128 of the 550 seats in the House. Jusuf Kalla's Golkar still has to work and negotiate with other political parties in the House to secure their support.

The difference with Golkar under Jusuf Kalla today is that now the challenge for Susilo is much more manageable than had Golkar remained in the hands of Akbar Tandjung. Then, the challenge looked almost insurmountable, and it could have led to endless and protracted battles between the president and the House.

Although power has now tipped in the President's favor, he and Golkar are still subject to constitutional checks and balances.

The new political equation, with Golkar joining the President's camp, offers far greater stability, but still ensures a healthy democracy for Indonesia.

Those who say Indonesia is returning to a dictatorship now that Jusuf Kalla has taken control of Golkar are belittling the democratic checks and balances that we as a nation have put in place these last few years.

Of course, looking to the longer term, there are questions about how Jusuf Kalla will use his new found power in his dealings with President Susilo. Looking at the 2009 elections, he could even become a Trojan Horse within Susilo's camp. But that is really a power struggle limited to the presidential office.

Let's also remember that in 2009, it will be the voters who call the shots. They can vote both Susilo and Jusuf out of office if they fail the nation, just as they did with Megawati this year.

For now, let's give Indonesian democracy, and Indonesian voters, more credit than our nay-saying pundits. We have come a long way since the Soeharto dictatorship, and it is unlikely that we could ever going back to such a system.

Not as long as we have democracy.

The writer is editor-in-chief of The Jakarta Post.