Getting it straight: Navel temptations vs gender equality

Ati Nurbaiti, The Jakarta Post

Toward the end of this year, we were treated to the laments of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who is beginning to show a sagely side to his personality: He expressed his regret over the many broadcasts that were "alien to Indonesia's norms and identity".

Initially, a minister referred to the "navel", a reference to MTV crooners and their wannabes. A few days later, Susilo identified his concern: pornografi and pornoaksi.

While the first term refers to anything close to pornography ("I know it when I see it,") -- the second is used more specifically with regard to "actions or broadcasting of actions of a pornographic nature".

The President was evidently unaware of media coverage expressing confidence in his leadership, and that while he might have a personal dislike of images of bellybuttons because they disturb his moral fiber, he would surely be able to separate his personal preferences from state policy.

Reiterating his concerns over the sexual lure of the navel -- tucked away in a woman's abdomen, we presume -- did not do much to boost his popularity ratings.

Nonetheless, something good may come out of this: In recalling that Susilo pledged to listen to the people, he and his Cabinet need only consult women on this particular issue. After all, women have been the subjects -- or more precisely, the victims -- of policies on morale and reasserting the national or local "identity".

Women should be pleased with policies supposedly drawn up to make us a more decent nation. Even if corruption may top the 100- day program, banning pornoaksi would at least be the first step in making women more dignified -- even if it means jailing models who pose in the buff.

Let us not delve into the overlapping issue of freedom of expression here, nor of parental guidance ratings on films such as The Little Mermaid and Aladdin that feature bellybutton- baring, singing princesses.

In past heated furors over porn, feminists and media activists have cited their experience that it usually took the mere banning of a sensual -- or sensuous -- singer to cause a domino-effect censorship in other issues.

A new report, Menggalang Perubahan (Mobilizing Change), published by the Women's Journal Foundation (Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan) puts forth other reasons as to why not all women appreciate "morality policies".

Featuring case studies from Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, West Sumatra and West Java, the report looks into earlier complaints from women on local policies that mainly make a fuss over their dress and appropriate curfew -- all for "their own good", as women are said to invite all kinds of sin by exposing themselves.

In Aceh, society is governed according to sharia, and activists have pointed to what they see as more urgent issues relevant to enforcing the spirit of Islam: wanton murder and corruption, the greatest threat to the Acehnese people.

In short, these women are illuminating issues that are more pertinent and in need of government and public attention than the fierce guarding of the moral and spiritual fiber of men under the guise of preserving the chastity of women.

The trend of enforcing morality regulations -- made suddenly possible with the power vested in regional autonomy -- is somewhat withdrawing in the regions. But, notes Adriana Venny, an editor of the above report, this was only because the policy had become associated with religious fundamentalism, which had lost its attractiveness following several terrorist bombings.

A priority for next year would be measure our progress, stagnancy or setback regarding a number of goals that the nation had agreed to fulfill along with the international community, including the well-being and welfare of women.

The year 2005 is the time set to evaluate our progress in achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which was launched at the 2000 United Nations Millennium Summit in New York and of which Indonesia is a signatory.

The eight MDGs are: eradicate extreme hunger and poverty; achieve universal basic education; promote gender equality; reduce child mortality; improve maternal health; combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases; ensure environmental sustainability; and develop a global partnership for development.

Gender equality is seen as vital to achieving the other goals, which is why the UN hailed Indonesia's progress in elementary education: Official figures suggest that, in recent years, the enrollment of girls at elementary and junior high schools has risen to become more or less equal to that of boys.

Yet, instilling a basic understanding of the importance of gender equality in society -- from the grassroots to the upper tiers -- seems to be a big job, if policies such as those restricting women's movement exist on paper, if not in practice.

In the name of reasserting the original "identities" of the provinces and regions via policy -- apparently designed without the input of local women -- restrictions on women have become the main indicator of a region's "identity" and the simplest way of displaying it. So far, it seems this "identity" is anything but what the local elite aspires or claims it to be -- both religious and upholding "traditional" values.

The basic message seems to be: Our women are not on the streets at night, therefore we're religious, and though this might be merely symbolic, it's a start to tackling other issues; handling corruption can come later.

As in Aceh, however, there is no certainty as to how long local policy will take to evolve from harassing and punishing improperly dressed women to prosecuting corruptors. Then again, if the sharia was really imposed on corruptors and their hands were cut off, an Aceh official once confided to The Jakarta Post that "none of the officials would have hands".

Adriana and Gadis Arivia, another editor of the above report, stress the need for widespread education on gender equality as a fundamental principle -- which would mean getting rid of all policies that could impede this right.

Actually, this issue is clearly defined in the MDG convention, but local policy makers have apparently not been informed of its ratification and what that would entail.

The convention notes that state parties are "to take all appropriate measures, including legislation, to modify or abolish existing laws, regulations, customs and practices which constitute discrimination against women". This means that even if women in Bali agreed to revive the ancient custom of self- immolation following their husbands' deaths -- such a move would be in violation of the convention's spirit of human rights.

The human species is not homogeneous. The loyalties and interests of women CEOs and workers, and the wives of the rich and powerful are worlds apart, which complicates the task of do- gooders such as the National Commission of Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan) and its vast network of local women's organizations. Many "solidarity" campaigns are still needed to round up the support of women -- and men -- at least against discrimination, violence and harassment of women.

These are the constraints at the heart of our achieving gender equality, a vital part of the MDGs to which we agreed. In evaluating this goal in the coming year and drawing up policies to ensure progress on this issue, President Susilo needs only to listen to the experience of women -- and put aside his noble intentions to save us from overexposure to that pornographic bellybutton.

Sidebar

Ahead of the five-year review of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in 2005, the United Nations Development Fund for Women (Unifem) has outlined four focus areas crucial to achieving gender equality and women's empowerment. These two issues are considered vital to supporting other MDGs, including reducing extreme poverty by 2015.

2005 focus areas: o Reducing "feminized poverty" o Ending violence against women o Reversing the spread of HIV/AIDS among women and girls o Achieving gender equality in democratic governance in times of peace as well as war

"Feminized poverty" refers to the dominant face of women among the poor, such as among our migrant workers, whose contributions have become more important since the 1997 economic crisis in alleviating poverty and unemployment in their families.

The Office of the State Minister of Women's Empowerment has announced its first-100 days program, which also includes increasing the economic welfare of women, "evaluating" the migrant repatriation process and increasing counseling and other services for women and children in conflict areas.

While details are yet to be provided, in light of reviewing Indonesia's commitment to the MDG, our policies -- or lack thereof -- in several areas should also be evaluated.

Among these are:

o Migrant workers

Women, mostly working as domestic help, have made up 90 percent of Indonesian migrant workers in recent years. As of March 2004, more than 80,000 migrant workers sent home over US$425 million in earnings. Progress has been slow in raising awareness as to their rights and the responsibilities of the government and host countries, in addition to those of labor agencies and employers.

o Domestic help

While there is still much to be done regarding migrant workers, particularly in their protection, another key issue is minimum wage for maids and other domestic help, and whether a monthly wage higher than, say, Rp 250,000 ($27.80), would make this a more attractive occupation compared to migrating overseas to earn at least Rp 1 million for similar work. But discriminatory perceptions, for example that maids cannot be regulated as they are "unskilled" and thus fall into the "informal sector", have contributed to the continued absence of minimum wage regulations for domestic work.

o Implementation of law on domestic violence

New data from Jakarta-based women's shelter Mitra Perempuan (MP) shows that in over 80 percent of the 200 reported domestic violence cases it has received, the perpetrators are husbands, ex-husbands and other relatives. MP believes the figure is merely the tip of the iceberg.

o Conflict areas

Providing counseling to victims of violence among women and children is only one of the basic services needed in conflict areas like Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, where military operations have continued for the past 18 months. Acehnese have reiterated an urgent need for public space so that various groups, including women, could express their concerns, including freedom from fear of intimidation and violence from both sides of the conflict.

o Continuing safe sex campaigns

Despite information campaigns on the higher vulnerability of women to HIV, HIV/AIDS workers and activists cite the refusal of men to wear condoms, among others, as major contributing factors. National estimates as of November showed that HIV-positive women made up 21 percent of the 5,701 reported cases, many of whom said they found out belatedly that their spouses were infected.

o Women's participation in decision making

The presence of only 61 women in the 550-member House of Representatives reflects the difficulty women face nationwide in contributing to decision making. Affirmative action advocates continue to campaign for a minimum 30 percent quota for women in decision-making positions, but have been unable to ensure its clear regulation in the law on political parties. -- Ati Nurbaiti