Indonesian Political, Business & Finance News

Getting back on track

| Source: JP

Getting back on track

Even though, so far, little more is known than a well meant
officially stated intention, the reported decision revealed by
the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) over the weekend to
"soon" give the public access to its findings on the personal
wealth of state officials is a move in the right direction.

Superfluous as this may sound in referring to such a powerful
body as the KPK, it should be remembered that only a few days ago
strong public criticism was directed at the Commission for
closing citizens' access to data it had obtained concerning the
wealth of individual state officials, for reasons of legality.
Apparently, a legally acceptable way out of the impasse has now
been found, so that, hopefully, wider public participation in the
battle against the scourge of corruption can be ensured.

It is certainly not too much of an exaggeration to say that
perhaps more than most other countries in the world, Indonesia
needs to encourage the public's active involvement in the battle
against corruption if it is serious in its intent to contain, if
not to stamp out, this social scourge. It is no secret that
corruption pervades almost every sector of public life in this
country -- so much so that officials no longer even bother to
deny its existence. Since the commission was established earlier
this year, legal procedures have begun involving at least 11
cases, while 145 cases reported to the commission by members of
the public have been investigated and three officials have been
declared suspects. And still, there is no tangible impact.

Nevertheless, the importance of active and consistent public
participation in the fight against corruption cannot be denied
and, of late, has demonstrated its effectiveness in a number of
cases. The province of West Sumatra sent waves of surprise
throughout the country in May, when the district court in Padang,
the provincial capital, found three leading members of the
provincial legislature guilty of corruption and sentenced them to
27 months in prison and required them pay Rp 100 million each in
fines. Forty-three other members of the legislature were later
found guilty and sentenced to serve two years in prison, and to
pay Rp 100 million each in fines. They were also made to return
the money they misappropriated from the state, ranging from Rp
100 million to Rp 118 million.

The West Sumatra case soon echoed in other regions, from
Bandar Lampung on the southwestern tip of Sumatra to Mataram, on
the island of Lombok and elsewhere. A few months after the case
in Padang, court officials in Cirebon, West Java, took up an
investigation into 30 city councilors in a case of corruption
that also implicated a former city mayor and deputy mayor.
Similar cases soon took place in other regions, one of the latest
occurring in Kendari, Southeast Sulawesi, where 22 out of the
city's 25 legislators were this month arrested on charges of
embezzling state funds, forcing the local authorities to work out
some kind of arrangement by which the Kendari City Council could
"borrow" its legislators from the judiciary to attend sessions,
if necessary.

In all these cases, the active role of the judiciary,
particularly that of the public prosecutors' office, in bringing
suspected corruptors to court deserves commendation. By their
actions, even high ranking local officials, such as the mayor of
Solok, together with 25 members of the city's legislative
council, were declared suspects.

Unfortunately, this turns out to be not always easy to do. In
the West Sumatra case, for example, the judiciary have still not
looked into the possibility, or probability, of the governor's
involvement in the case, the apparent reason being that
permission from the President is needed to investigate a
provincial governor -- or even a city mayor. The case of Aceh's
Governor, Abdullah Puteh, who earlier this year was declared a
corruption suspect and briefly held for investigation in Jakarta,
but has since returned to the province, is a case in point.
Another case is that of former mayor and deputy mayor of Cirebon,
both of whom are suspected of being implicated in the Cirebon
legislature corruption case, which cannot be investigated due to
the absence of permission from the President.

The point that must be made in all this is that although
everybody seems to agree that no modern country can survive or
maintain a respectable standing on a foundation of graft and
corruption, very few among those in power seem to be willing to
risk rocking the boat by making a serious effort to stamp out
this social cancer. Yet, the effort must be made, and be made
without further delay. The momentum that has been created must
not be lost.

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