Getting back on track
Even though, so far, little more is known than a well meant officially stated intention, the reported decision revealed by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) over the weekend to "soon" give the public access to its findings on the personal wealth of state officials is a move in the right direction.
Superfluous as this may sound in referring to such a powerful body as the KPK, it should be remembered that only a few days ago strong public criticism was directed at the Commission for closing citizens' access to data it had obtained concerning the wealth of individual state officials, for reasons of legality. Apparently, a legally acceptable way out of the impasse has now been found, so that, hopefully, wider public participation in the battle against the scourge of corruption can be ensured.
It is certainly not too much of an exaggeration to say that perhaps more than most other countries in the world, Indonesia needs to encourage the public's active involvement in the battle against corruption if it is serious in its intent to contain, if not to stamp out, this social scourge. It is no secret that corruption pervades almost every sector of public life in this country -- so much so that officials no longer even bother to deny its existence. Since the commission was established earlier this year, legal procedures have begun involving at least 11 cases, while 145 cases reported to the commission by members of the public have been investigated and three officials have been declared suspects. And still, there is no tangible impact.
Nevertheless, the importance of active and consistent public participation in the fight against corruption cannot be denied and, of late, has demonstrated its effectiveness in a number of cases. The province of West Sumatra sent waves of surprise throughout the country in May, when the district court in Padang, the provincial capital, found three leading members of the provincial legislature guilty of corruption and sentenced them to 27 months in prison and required them pay Rp 100 million each in fines. Forty-three other members of the legislature were later found guilty and sentenced to serve two years in prison, and to pay Rp 100 million each in fines. They were also made to return the money they misappropriated from the state, ranging from Rp 100 million to Rp 118 million.
The West Sumatra case soon echoed in other regions, from Bandar Lampung on the southwestern tip of Sumatra to Mataram, on the island of Lombok and elsewhere. A few months after the case in Padang, court officials in Cirebon, West Java, took up an investigation into 30 city councilors in a case of corruption that also implicated a former city mayor and deputy mayor. Similar cases soon took place in other regions, one of the latest occurring in Kendari, Southeast Sulawesi, where 22 out of the city's 25 legislators were this month arrested on charges of embezzling state funds, forcing the local authorities to work out some kind of arrangement by which the Kendari City Council could "borrow" its legislators from the judiciary to attend sessions, if necessary.
In all these cases, the active role of the judiciary, particularly that of the public prosecutors' office, in bringing suspected corruptors to court deserves commendation. By their actions, even high ranking local officials, such as the mayor of Solok, together with 25 members of the city's legislative council, were declared suspects.
Unfortunately, this turns out to be not always easy to do. In the West Sumatra case, for example, the judiciary have still not looked into the possibility, or probability, of the governor's involvement in the case, the apparent reason being that permission from the President is needed to investigate a provincial governor -- or even a city mayor. The case of Aceh's Governor, Abdullah Puteh, who earlier this year was declared a corruption suspect and briefly held for investigation in Jakarta, but has since returned to the province, is a case in point. Another case is that of former mayor and deputy mayor of Cirebon, both of whom are suspected of being implicated in the Cirebon legislature corruption case, which cannot be investigated due to the absence of permission from the President.
The point that must be made in all this is that although everybody seems to agree that no modern country can survive or maintain a respectable standing on a foundation of graft and corruption, very few among those in power seem to be willing to risk rocking the boat by making a serious effort to stamp out this social cancer. Yet, the effort must be made, and be made without further delay. The momentum that has been created must not be lost.