German election: Home and foreign affairs

German election: Home and foreign affairs

Ignas Kleden, Director Center for East Indonesian Affairs, Jakarta

It is perhaps difficult to figure out to what extent the
issues of an election campaign reflect the state of affairs of
real politics. However, one can safely say that what is said
during a campaign reflects the political imagination of the
political elite of a country. An impression of how the politics
and history of Germany impinged upon each other was gathered
during an 11-day trip around its towns, listening to the
campaigns of the larger political parties, chief editors,
scholars, senior politicians and their audiences.

Ever since Ludwig Erhard became the German chancellor (1963-
1966) and even before when he was still vice-chancellor (1957-
1963) he introduced the theory of social market economy.

This referred to two theoretical elements combined in a
capitalist free market economy and a social state. The free
market economy should be left to work according to economic law,
to produce economic growth without being constrained by the
state. The social state, however, is entitled and obliged to take
care of all social problems, including those rising from the
workings of a free market.

The market and industry provide employment, but it is the
state which takes care of the unemployed, the homeless and the
marginalized. The state must also see to it that workers are paid
properly.

This conception succeeded in making Germany one of the world's
wealthiest countries after World War II. No wonder that until now
this political tradition has been carefully preserved, whereby
every political party tries to assure followers that once they
win the election this valuable legacy will be maintained and
carried on.

The debate between Gerhard Schroeder from the Social-
Democratic Party (SPD) and Edmund Stoiber from the Christian-
Social Union (CSU) could be traced back to the above idea of the
social market economy. Stoiber said repeatedly during his
campaign that it was timely for Germans to vote for economic
growth, considering Germany's low growth rate compared to the
rest of the European Union. If growth could be pushed by just 1
percent there would be a real possibility for the creation of
thousands of jobs. Here the market economy was emphasized so much
so that it was assumed to be able to take care of increasing
unemployment in Germany.

In contrast, the obligation of the social state was the main
idea underlying Schroeder's statements. He hinted at the four
million unemployed, the 600,000 immigrants who come to Germany
each year to find jobs, health insurance, the numerous children
who could not go to school, the 4,000 companies in the country
under the threat of bankruptcy. It was the social state which was
responsible for all those problems. The antinomy of the question
was whether the state could solve and finance all these problems,
and whether the market was willing and determined to finance
social problems by means of mere economic growth.

The different standpoints raised different political programs.
The Union Parties proposed a tax cut; the SDP wanted less or no
unemployment; the Green Party proposed an eco-tax and the
abolition of compulsory military service.

Meanwhile the Germans are still grappling with memories of the
world wars and the Holocaust. The memories are closely related to
what they owe to the United States in the rebuilding of their
country from total ruin.

It was then a surprise when Schroeder emphatically stressed
that Germany under his leadership would not join U.S. military
action against Iraq, even if that action was supported by the
United Nations. This was welcomed by many young people who did
not want to see Germany involved in another war. However, the
memory of what the U.S. did for Germany after the World War II,
particularly thorough the Marshall Plan, was raised by Stoiber of
the Christian-Social Union, who said Germany should go along with
the U.S. to war, in line with the common commitment to western
countries, particularly to the U.S., as far as security matters
are concerned.

Surprisingly or not, the two political options were rooted in
the country's political history since World War II.

However, Germany's obsession with its western alliances seems
so deeply embedded that it does not allow room to look beyond the
west-to-west alliance. I was really curious about what the German
politicians would say about German political attitude toward my
part of the world, the third world. Now that the second world of
socialist countries does not exist anymore it is more appropriate
to talk about North-North and North-South dialog.

Both Stoiber and Schroeder did not say a single world about
the third world, this at a time when globalization has become a
key word in political parlance or academic discourse. Only
Joschka Fischer from the Green Party said something about the
third world, saying that this part of the world could be ignored
if one had to think of a sound environment.

Germany's domestic problems derive mainly from the question of
the social market economy, whereas its foreign policies are still
embedded in the memory of the world wars, as well as what it owes
to the western alliance, particularly the U.S. Thus one cannot
expect much of a progressive attitude from the government toward
the Southern countries, regardless of which party and which
coalition rules the country.

One lesson here is that Southern countries should never
believe in the generosity of the North. They should be more
assertive in articulating their own interests, more articulate in
speaking up about their own goals, while trying to redefine their
own position in the world. This position should be defined in
such a way that goes beyond the "triple role" dictated so far by
the Northern countries: a market for industrial goods, a target
for political violence or a place of spare natural resources for
the world's sound and livable environment.

Dr. Ignas Kleden was one of 12 social scientists from 12
countries invited by the German Service for Academic Exchange
(DAAD) to observe the last stage of preparations for Germany's
recent general elections.