Generals in the race, so why the fuss now?

Generals in the race, so why the fuss now?

Pitan Daslani, Jakarta

The nominations of Wiranto and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono for
the July 5 presidential election have been criticized in numerous
circles and antimilitary demonstrations have been held in many
areas of the country.

But what is it that has people upset and what are the
underlying arguments? And why is it that while people are
protesting against the return of the military to politics,
political parties have chosen to nominate former generals for the
presidential election?

When Maj. Gen. (ret) Theo Sjafei led a group of former
generals to the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P),
people did not make a fuss about the possibility of a return to
power for the military.

When Lt. Gen. (ret) Yunus Yosfiah crossed over to the United
Development Party (PPP) and became its secretary-general, nobody
protested. When Lt. Gen. Hendropriyono anchored his boat near
Megawati's PDI-P, people kept silent. And when Lt. Gen. (ret)
Prabowo Subianto returned from Jordan to amplify his presence in
the Golkar Party, nobody raised any concern about the likelihood
of the military returning to power.

But when Wiranto and Susilo were nominated by their parties to
run for president, all of a sudden everybody raised their heads
and protested against the military returning to practical
politics. Let us examine the possible reasons for the public
concern over a possible return of the military to politics after
the July 5 election.

As president, Wiranto or Susilo would also assume the position
of Indonesia's supreme commander, and as such would have the
freedom to do anything according to his perception of national
priorities and urgencies.

For Wiranto, a former chief of the Indonesian Military (TNI),
and Susilo, a former head of the TNI's sociopolitical staff
(Kassospol), the position of supreme commander would come with
strategic and tactical advantages, because both Wiranto and
Susilo know very well what they would have to do, given that many
of their former subordinates are still active in the military.

In other words, the military would bow to the president not
only because he was the supreme commander, but because he was the
former TNI chief or former Kassospol head. Psychologically,
though this is a bit premature, the TNI would feel like the line
of command that had been abandoned when it retired from politics
had been reactivated and strengthened because a former TNI chief
or Kassospol head "has been promoted" to the position of supreme
commander.

It is this factor that motivates people to assume that if
either Wiranto or Susilo were in power, there would be a very
real possibility of a return of military politics.

So, if we are talking about concern over the military's return
to power, the real issue is not the emergence of Wiranto or
Susilo, but that a former TNI commander or a former Kassospol
head could be "promoted" to supreme commander at a time when
their former subordinates are still active in the military. In
addition, the reform era simply does not wish to see the military
return to practical politics.

True, Wiranto and Susilo are now civilians since retiring from
active military service. But can they erase the psychological
intimacy with the military, which seems to be struggling to put
either of them into the presidency? Would either of them say no
if approached by (former) generals about a renewed role in
politics for the military, at a time when they need the military
to ensure national stability?

It is clear the antimilitary demonstrations in the country are
not totally without basis. Wiranto and Susilo need to speak
openly to the public to clear up any confusion. They need to meet
with campus and community leaders, including leaders of non-
governmental organizations, to formulate a common understanding
on why they deem it necessary to run for president.

They need to explain with honesty and no pretense or hidden
agendas that present-day Indonesia, with sociopolitical controls
and legal products in place since the reform movement began six
years ago, simply cannot allow an Indonesian president to push
back the hands of time.

After that, if either candidate is elected, he needs to match
his words with deeds. Does Wiranto or Susilo have the courage to
appoint a civilian to the position of minister of defense, for
instance. Former president Abdurrahman Wahid set the tone for
this when he appointed Juwono Sudarsono to that position. Would
Wiranto or Susilo have the courage to appoint civilians to the
positions of coordinating minister for political and security
affairs?.

A civilian can be more militaristic than a former military
man. Every civilian politician with a militant personality has
the potential to become militaristic if given the chance. All of
the armed civilian forces that were formed when the reform era
began are evidence of the militaristic nature of militant
civilians.

Apparently the biggest worry is not of the emergence of a
civilian president with a military background, but of a
militaristic president with a military background having the
power as the nation's supreme commander.

The best solution for the people is not to call the military
names, but to strengthen sociopolitical controls and give the
military a respectable place where it can comfort itself with its
profession and not be tempted to step into the practical
political arena unless the nation is threatened with
disintegration.

We must remember this: the military will always step in, like
it or not, when the nation is in danger, when national stability
is at risk.

If we could be honest with ourselves, we would not only stage
demonstrations against Wiranto and Susilo because of their
military backgrounds, but also demonstrate against our top
civilian politicians for failing to implement the reform agenda.

They have wasted six years bickering among themselves and
pulling each others' legs while enriching themselves and their
parties, in the process paving the way for former military
generals to step in to correct their mistakes.

Let us think with cool heads. What are we looking for? Why the
fuss about Wiranto and Susilo? The plain undeniable fact is that
more than 50 percent of the presidential and vice presidential
candidates come from military circles. In fact, it was the
political parties themselves that nominated Wiranto, Susilo and
retired general Agum Gumelar, who is paired with the PPP's
presidential candidate, Hamzah Haz.

What does this mean for us? It means that after six years of
reform, we still do not have the civilian politicians with the
leadership skills and the vision that would make it unnecessary
to nominate three former generals for the presidential election.
Golkar, the Democratic Party and the Muslim parties led by the
PPP nominated these three generals with complete awareness of
their leadership skills and vision.

This is a fact that antimilitary demonstrators need to
consider. These generals did not nominate themselves for the
election. They were nominated by the country's top civilian
politicians.

So what? This is the peak of Indonesian reform: People take
to the streets protesting against military politics, while
political parties warmly embrace former Army generals and put
them on track for the presidency.

The writer can be reached at pitand@singapore.com