Generals in the race, so why the fuss now?

Pitan Daslani, Jakarta

The nominations of Wiranto and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono for the July 5 presidential election have been criticized in numerous circles and antimilitary demonstrations have been held in many areas of the country.

But what is it that has people upset and what are the underlying arguments? And why is it that while people are protesting against the return of the military to politics, political parties have chosen to nominate former generals for the presidential election?

When Maj. Gen. (ret) Theo Sjafei led a group of former generals to the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), people did not make a fuss about the possibility of a return to power for the military.

When Lt. Gen. (ret) Yunus Yosfiah crossed over to the United Development Party (PPP) and became its secretary-general, nobody protested. When Lt. Gen. Hendropriyono anchored his boat near Megawati's PDI-P, people kept silent. And when Lt. Gen. (ret) Prabowo Subianto returned from Jordan to amplify his presence in the Golkar Party, nobody raised any concern about the likelihood of the military returning to power.

But when Wiranto and Susilo were nominated by their parties to run for president, all of a sudden everybody raised their heads and protested against the military returning to practical politics. Let us examine the possible reasons for the public concern over a possible return of the military to politics after the July 5 election.

As president, Wiranto or Susilo would also assume the position of Indonesia's supreme commander, and as such would have the freedom to do anything according to his perception of national priorities and urgencies.

For Wiranto, a former chief of the Indonesian Military (TNI), and Susilo, a former head of the TNI's sociopolitical staff (Kassospol), the position of supreme commander would come with strategic and tactical advantages, because both Wiranto and Susilo know very well what they would have to do, given that many of their former subordinates are still active in the military.

In other words, the military would bow to the president not only because he was the supreme commander, but because he was the former TNI chief or former Kassospol head. Psychologically, though this is a bit premature, the TNI would feel like the line of command that had been abandoned when it retired from politics had been reactivated and strengthened because a former TNI chief or Kassospol head "has been promoted" to the position of supreme commander.

It is this factor that motivates people to assume that if either Wiranto or Susilo were in power, there would be a very real possibility of a return of military politics.

So, if we are talking about concern over the military's return to power, the real issue is not the emergence of Wiranto or Susilo, but that a former TNI commander or a former Kassospol head could be "promoted" to supreme commander at a time when their former subordinates are still active in the military. In addition, the reform era simply does not wish to see the military return to practical politics.

True, Wiranto and Susilo are now civilians since retiring from active military service. But can they erase the psychological intimacy with the military, which seems to be struggling to put either of them into the presidency? Would either of them say no if approached by (former) generals about a renewed role in politics for the military, at a time when they need the military to ensure national stability?

It is clear the antimilitary demonstrations in the country are not totally without basis. Wiranto and Susilo need to speak openly to the public to clear up any confusion. They need to meet with campus and community leaders, including leaders of non- governmental organizations, to formulate a common understanding on why they deem it necessary to run for president.

They need to explain with honesty and no pretense or hidden agendas that present-day Indonesia, with sociopolitical controls and legal products in place since the reform movement began six years ago, simply cannot allow an Indonesian president to push back the hands of time.

After that, if either candidate is elected, he needs to match his words with deeds. Does Wiranto or Susilo have the courage to appoint a civilian to the position of minister of defense, for instance. Former president Abdurrahman Wahid set the tone for this when he appointed Juwono Sudarsono to that position. Would Wiranto or Susilo have the courage to appoint civilians to the positions of coordinating minister for political and security affairs?.

A civilian can be more militaristic than a former military man. Every civilian politician with a militant personality has the potential to become militaristic if given the chance. All of the armed civilian forces that were formed when the reform era began are evidence of the militaristic nature of militant civilians.

Apparently the biggest worry is not of the emergence of a civilian president with a military background, but of a militaristic president with a military background having the power as the nation's supreme commander.

The best solution for the people is not to call the military names, but to strengthen sociopolitical controls and give the military a respectable place where it can comfort itself with its profession and not be tempted to step into the practical political arena unless the nation is threatened with disintegration.

We must remember this: the military will always step in, like it or not, when the nation is in danger, when national stability is at risk.

If we could be honest with ourselves, we would not only stage demonstrations against Wiranto and Susilo because of their military backgrounds, but also demonstrate against our top civilian politicians for failing to implement the reform agenda.

They have wasted six years bickering among themselves and pulling each others' legs while enriching themselves and their parties, in the process paving the way for former military generals to step in to correct their mistakes.

Let us think with cool heads. What are we looking for? Why the fuss about Wiranto and Susilo? The plain undeniable fact is that more than 50 percent of the presidential and vice presidential candidates come from military circles. In fact, it was the political parties themselves that nominated Wiranto, Susilo and retired general Agum Gumelar, who is paired with the PPP's presidential candidate, Hamzah Haz.

What does this mean for us? It means that after six years of reform, we still do not have the civilian politicians with the leadership skills and the vision that would make it unnecessary to nominate three former generals for the presidential election. Golkar, the Democratic Party and the Muslim parties led by the PPP nominated these three generals with complete awareness of their leadership skills and vision.

This is a fact that antimilitary demonstrators need to consider. These generals did not nominate themselves for the election. They were nominated by the country's top civilian politicians.

So what? This is the peak of Indonesian reform: People take to the streets protesting against military politics, while political parties warmly embrace former Army generals and put them on track for the presidency.

The writer can be reached at pitand@singapore.com