From Aceh to Helsinki: A message for Jakarta

From Aceh to Helsinki: A message for Jakarta

Aboeprijadi Santoso, Helsinki

The third round of the Helsinki negotiations between the
Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) to find "a
comprehensive and permanent solution with dignity for all" was
just concluded with new hope for a peaceful breakthrough. So,
what do we make of this newfound hope?

"It's a breakthrough in a certain sense," Martti Ahtisaari,
Finland's former president who facilitated the talks, declared as
the meetings wrapped up. They achieved what he called "seven
points of understanding".

Ahtisaari, who leads the peace mediator Crisis Management
Initiative (CMI), however, warned that, "Security on the ground
is very important. In whatever country, people want to be treated
fairly by the (security forces) and the courts. If those two can
be relied on, people can go on with their daily lives and
business," said the man who has been involved in peace
negotiations all over the world, from Namibia to South Africa to
Kosovo and now Aceh.

Every aspect of the peace prospects in Aceh ultimately depend
on the parties themselves. Now, despite rhetoric of progress and
optimism coming from both Jakarta and GAM delegates, most of the
"points of understanding" are things that need to be worked on to
be accomplished before the next round on May 26.

However, Ahtisaari's integrated package approach ("nothing is
agreed until everything is agreed") means that the parties can
hide whatever basic assumptions, agreements and disagreements
they have, until they find the right concepts and wording for the
final agreement. This lack of transparency is an obvious sign of
the sensitivities involved. Thus, as Ahtisaari himself has
reminded us, it is important to look at what is being said and
also what is not being said. Only when the sensitivities become
apparent, real progress can be measured.

Progress, coupled with difficulties, seems apparent on, at
least, the issues of self-government, monitoring and political
participation.

First, as the issues of independence and special autonomy are
removed, negotiations can now proceed to define what the CMI, in
its release, called "the self-government of the province of Aceh
within the Republic of Indonesia" is all about. While GAM seemed
cautious, but not in disagreement, Ahtisaari and Indonesia's
chief-delegate Hamid Awaluddin have made it clear that there will
be local elections for Aceh according to Indonesian laws and will
be monitored by a third party. For Indonesia, this is part of her
constitutional process and for GAM it is seen as a means to
measure and promote democratization in Aceh.

Since the issue of "independence" remains a taboo subject and
a "referendum" remains a nightmare scenario for Indonesia,
"special autonomy" is identical to the status quo of "rapes and
killings" to GAM leaders. Once all these are removed from the
table, the results can be considerable.

Second, both sides have agreed to a monitoring process, even
if it may appear as if GAM here has gained more on that point.
Since the implementation of the agreement will be a process that
would cover elections and aspects of public life, it inevitably
includes, if implicit, a cease-fire, which Jakarta has rejected.
The monitoring will be "a civilian mission (of regional
associations) and there is no mention of foreign troops".

The involvement of a "foreign group" means a greater guarantee
for the implementation of the agreement, although it would also
mean that the Aceh issue would remain on the international scene,
which GAM would welcome. Hamid has confirmed that Indonesia
agreed and would approach ASEAN groups about taking part in the
monitoring.

Third, little seems to have been agreed upon as yet on
political participation, but as a few legal aspects need to be
resolved, an agreement at this point may not be far away. Hamid
has confirmed that the Pilkada (local-chief elections) for
conflict areas, including Aceh will be postponed and a source
close to GAM believes that Hamid's team will do its best to
accommodate the need for a local party.

The most thorny issue, however, remains the security
arrangement. Various delegates recognize that it is all too often
difficult to control the violent behavior by the Indonesian
security apparatuses, just as GAM's units have often been
involved in violence and kidnapping. Any mediator, as Ahtisaari
is, can only appeal to both sides' commitments to restrain their
armed forces because local security remains in the hands of those
in charge.

In short, progress has been made, even if it is not
immediately apparent. And the stakes are very high. For GAM, a
failure in Helsinki would means that they have to continue a very
costly guerrilla warfare, which would jeopardize whatever
credibility they have among the Acehnese. On the other hand, a
Helsinki success will enhance both the space and capacity of the
Acehnese to develop their own political and economic system,
albeit within Indonesia.

Clearly, both sides want to win the Acehnese hearts and minds.
Jakarta will try by reconstructing post-tsunami Aceh. GAM has, in
effect, forced Jakarta via Helsinki to fulfill its promise. As
one GAM delegate put it, "All (post-Soeharto) presidents, from
Habibie to Gus Dur to Megawati said 'you can have everything
except independence'. Now we want everything except
independence".

The challenge for Jakarta is perhaps even bigger. If GAM
leader Hasan Di Tiro is said to have given blessing to his
delegates, it is the turn of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
to strongly support his team despite public opposition at home
against the Helsinki process. After all, the pressure is not only
from the impact of the tsunami, but all of Acehnese civil
society, who collectively demand change. The military solution is
neither a solution nor is it now acceptable. The international
community now expects changes led by a president who symbolizes
Indonesia's new democracy.

Indonesia (under Megawati) unilaterally canceled its peace
agreement with GAM in 2003 and launched massive military
operation. President Susilo realizes that the military solution
alone could not end the prolonged conflict. Will Indonesia, this
time, be able to give peace to the people of Aceh?

The writer is a journalist with Radio Netherlands.