From Aceh to Helsinki: A message for Jakarta

Aboeprijadi Santoso, Helsinki

The third round of the Helsinki negotiations between the Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) to find "a comprehensive and permanent solution with dignity for all" was just concluded with new hope for a peaceful breakthrough. So, what do we make of this newfound hope?

"It's a breakthrough in a certain sense," Martti Ahtisaari, Finland's former president who facilitated the talks, declared as the meetings wrapped up. They achieved what he called "seven points of understanding".

Ahtisaari, who leads the peace mediator Crisis Management Initiative (CMI), however, warned that, "Security on the ground is very important. In whatever country, people want to be treated fairly by the (security forces) and the courts. If those two can be relied on, people can go on with their daily lives and business," said the man who has been involved in peace negotiations all over the world, from Namibia to South Africa to Kosovo and now Aceh.

Every aspect of the peace prospects in Aceh ultimately depend on the parties themselves. Now, despite rhetoric of progress and optimism coming from both Jakarta and GAM delegates, most of the "points of understanding" are things that need to be worked on to be accomplished before the next round on May 26.

However, Ahtisaari's integrated package approach ("nothing is agreed until everything is agreed") means that the parties can hide whatever basic assumptions, agreements and disagreements they have, until they find the right concepts and wording for the final agreement. This lack of transparency is an obvious sign of the sensitivities involved. Thus, as Ahtisaari himself has reminded us, it is important to look at what is being said and also what is not being said. Only when the sensitivities become apparent, real progress can be measured.

Progress, coupled with difficulties, seems apparent on, at least, the issues of self-government, monitoring and political participation.

First, as the issues of independence and special autonomy are removed, negotiations can now proceed to define what the CMI, in its release, called "the self-government of the province of Aceh within the Republic of Indonesia" is all about. While GAM seemed cautious, but not in disagreement, Ahtisaari and Indonesia's chief-delegate Hamid Awaluddin have made it clear that there will be local elections for Aceh according to Indonesian laws and will be monitored by a third party. For Indonesia, this is part of her constitutional process and for GAM it is seen as a means to measure and promote democratization in Aceh.

Since the issue of "independence" remains a taboo subject and a "referendum" remains a nightmare scenario for Indonesia, "special autonomy" is identical to the status quo of "rapes and killings" to GAM leaders. Once all these are removed from the table, the results can be considerable.

Second, both sides have agreed to a monitoring process, even if it may appear as if GAM here has gained more on that point. Since the implementation of the agreement will be a process that would cover elections and aspects of public life, it inevitably includes, if implicit, a cease-fire, which Jakarta has rejected. The monitoring will be "a civilian mission (of regional associations) and there is no mention of foreign troops".

The involvement of a "foreign group" means a greater guarantee for the implementation of the agreement, although it would also mean that the Aceh issue would remain on the international scene, which GAM would welcome. Hamid has confirmed that Indonesia agreed and would approach ASEAN groups about taking part in the monitoring.

Third, little seems to have been agreed upon as yet on political participation, but as a few legal aspects need to be resolved, an agreement at this point may not be far away. Hamid has confirmed that the Pilkada (local-chief elections) for conflict areas, including Aceh will be postponed and a source close to GAM believes that Hamid's team will do its best to accommodate the need for a local party.

The most thorny issue, however, remains the security arrangement. Various delegates recognize that it is all too often difficult to control the violent behavior by the Indonesian security apparatuses, just as GAM's units have often been involved in violence and kidnapping. Any mediator, as Ahtisaari is, can only appeal to both sides' commitments to restrain their armed forces because local security remains in the hands of those in charge.

In short, progress has been made, even if it is not immediately apparent. And the stakes are very high. For GAM, a failure in Helsinki would means that they have to continue a very costly guerrilla warfare, which would jeopardize whatever credibility they have among the Acehnese. On the other hand, a Helsinki success will enhance both the space and capacity of the Acehnese to develop their own political and economic system, albeit within Indonesia.

Clearly, both sides want to win the Acehnese hearts and minds. Jakarta will try by reconstructing post-tsunami Aceh. GAM has, in effect, forced Jakarta via Helsinki to fulfill its promise. As one GAM delegate put it, "All (post-Soeharto) presidents, from Habibie to Gus Dur to Megawati said 'you can have everything except independence'. Now we want everything except independence".

The challenge for Jakarta is perhaps even bigger. If GAM leader Hasan Di Tiro is said to have given blessing to his delegates, it is the turn of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to strongly support his team despite public opposition at home against the Helsinki process. After all, the pressure is not only from the impact of the tsunami, but all of Acehnese civil society, who collectively demand change. The military solution is neither a solution nor is it now acceptable. The international community now expects changes led by a president who symbolizes Indonesia's new democracy.

Indonesia (under Megawati) unilaterally canceled its peace agreement with GAM in 2003 and launched massive military operation. President Susilo realizes that the military solution alone could not end the prolonged conflict. Will Indonesia, this time, be able to give peace to the people of Aceh?

The writer is a journalist with Radio Netherlands.