Free poll way to solve political crisis
Free poll way to solve political crisis
Following Soeharto's downfall, public debate has centered
around the validity of the transfer of power to Vice President
B.J. Habibie and the legitimacy of the present government.
Political observer J. Soedjati Djiwandono addresses these issues.
JAKARTA (JP): To raise the question of the legitimacy of
Habibie's presidency is not mere political wrangling. By
contrast, however, constitutional debate on the legality of the
transfer of power to Habibie is an irrelevant and worthless
exercise.
The circumstances that led to Soeharto's resignation are not
provided for in the constitution, or in any other existing
legislation.
To the very end, Soeharto never once expressed a readiness or
desire to step down. He once said that as a soldier he would
never "shirk his responsibility", whatever that meant, but in the
end he was forced by circumstances to do so. He finally had no
choice but to bow to the continuous pressure of student
demonstrations which gave voice to the desires of the masses.
Although there are provisions in the constitution and existing
legislation designed to cover the event of the president
resigning or becoming incapacitated, the circumstances which they
postulate bear no resemblance to the events which unfolded last
month. The existing laws and procedures largely cover death in
office, not voluntary resignation.
A provision in the constitution does however state that in
the event of the president's resignation, he or she shall be
replaced by the vice president.
Unfortunately, how the transfer of power should take place is
not explained and it is left open to debate whether a simple
transfer ceremony is sufficient, or if a special session of the
People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) is actually required to
reissue the presidential mandate.
At the heart of the matter is the fact that the President did
not resign of his own accord or will, but was in effect forced
out by the people.
This makes the problem relating to his resignation political
in nature, and not a legal conundrum. Furthermore, it is a
political problem in an emergency situation and the need for a
swift solution is therefore of paramount importance.
Here we run onto the horns of a dilemma. On the one hand, we
have demanded total and comprehensive reform of the political
system and forced drastic change in the national leadership
through somewhat "revolutionary" means, while at the same time
calling for greater democracy. A dangerous vicious circle
beckons, promising ever greater repetitions of the events of the
last few months.
To avoid this, emergency political steps must be taken. The
nationwide demand for a special session of the MPR and a fair and
free election in the shortest time possible is an expression of
democratic aspirations and a determination to adhere to the
principles of the 1945 Constitution.
However, to ensure that the MPR is representative of society
at large, a shake up in the present membership is required. Some
members have already resigned while more must surely follow
because of the nepotistic nature of their appointments. Of no
lesser significance is the fact that Golkar, the largest and
ruling political organization, appears to be disintegrating. The
arguments for rejuvenating the MPR membership are therefore very
powerful.
There is good reason to doubt if we have either the time or
the money to hold an immediate election, because the economic
crisis has rapidly gone from bad to worse. But a fair and free
election is an internationally accepted and democratic means of
solving a political crisis of this nature.
Announcing and executing definite plans to hold an election
would go a long way to restoring confidence, both at home and
abroad.
Above all, however, a simple announcement by President Habibie
or the MPR stating that the current presidency is provisional or
transitional in nature is absolutely necessary to reassure our
citizens and the international community of the current
government's good intentions.
The choice of vice president was a calculated political
maneuver on the part of Soeharto, as was the selection of MPR
members and those who sit on other representative bodies. His
presidency was the lynchpin in the system which the nation is now
demanding be totally reformed.
What is so difficult about making such a simple but decisive
statement, if President Habibie honestly has no ulterior motive?
More than anything else, honesty and humility breed trust and
confidence.
An honest and humble admission on the part of the present
government would go along way to ensuring that the present crisis
will shortly be consigned to history, and this despite the new
government having in its ranks a number of political turncoats
not entirely free from suspicion of corruption.
We also badly need the confidence of the international
community. An emergency rescue operation lead by the
international community is perhaps the only way to save the
country from collapse. Will our new leaders be honest, modest,
and humble enough to admit this sobering fact and swallow their
often misplaced national pride?