Forty years since the day that changed RI

J. Soedjati Djiwandono, Jakarta

Until today, the so-termed G30S (the Sept. 30 Movement of 1965), has been a part of Indonesia's modern history, albeit subject to interpretation. It has been rich in mysteries.

Soeharto, who based his "silent coup d'etat" on the so-called Supersemar (March-11 order issued by president Sukarno) has never revealed if such an order really existed, and who really keeps it.

A document -- only revealed after the demise of Soeharto and shown in a televised recording of Soekarno delivering a speech on the Supersemar -- said that the March-11 order "was not a transfer of authority".

Napoleon Bonaparte once said, "What is history but a fable agreed upon?" That seems to have been aptly applied to the G30S. Interestingly, despite the different interpretations of scholars and researchers the world over, the official version of the G30S imposed by Soeharto has continued to be accepted in total in this country.

Despite condemnations of Soeharto's New Order by successive regimes in the "era of reform", that official version of the G30S has continued to prevail with all its implications. Early last month, this paper reported that dozens of people from various Muslim organizations had staged a protest at the Central Jakarta District Court, demanding the suspension of a class action filed by former members of the now-defunct Indonesian Communist Party (PKI).

Some of the protesters from the so-termed Islam Defenders Front (FPI), Joint Islam Youth Group (GPI), Indonesian Mujahidin Council (MMI) and Indonesian Islam Students (PPI) entered the courthouse, shouting, "Allahhu Akbar (God is Great)." Other protesters staged a "free-speech" forum outside the courtroom, shouting, "the PKI is the enemy of Islam," and unfurled a banner reading "Crush the PKI".

Eka Jaya, operational coordinator of the FPI Jakarta, said that their presence at the court was aimed mainly at demanding that the panel of judges presided over by Cicut Sutiarso not accede to the class action. "What a shame for the PKI. They demand compensation but they used to massacre (Muslim) followers. If their demands are met, there will be a war; we will drive them away and use their money for violent activities," he said.

Meanwhile, Mujayin, 75, a representative of about 100 former PKI members, now aged 60 years and above, said he was merely seeking justice. "We were arrested and jailed without any justice. What about presumption of innocence?" said Mujayin, who was sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment on Buru Island on charges of involvement in an alleged PKI coup attempt.

"Stigmatization not only burdens the accused, but also his offspring," said Mujayin, who is a Muslim.

Through the class action, the former PKI members were demanding compensation from the government amounting to Rp 2.4 billion (US$244.5 million) and another Rp 10 billion for non- material losses, violation of their rights and other losses caused by the stigmatization.

On the front gate of the huge cemetery in what is now St. Petersburg (previously called Leningrad), in memory of the thousands of victims of the siege of the city by the Nazi forces, which the former Soviet regime remembered as the Great Patriotic War, there was a sign in Russian, meaning "Nothing is forgotten". Perhaps for Indonesians, another phrase would be more appropriate to describe the attitude of many Indonesians, including our government since the era of the "new order", which is -- as far as the alleged members of the PKI are concerned -- "No one is forgiven."

Indeed, we have been talking about national reconciliation in Aceh and East Timor; and demanding justice for the victims of the Trisakti and Semanggi tragedies.

Without lacking in the slightest appreciation for the need for such reconciliation and demands for justice for the victims of those more recent tragedies, the G30S tragedy was definitely not of a lesser magnitude.

Thousands of innocent people were massacred or imprisoned without trial. Many died during their imprisonment; it is probable that most were tortured. Those who were released are now facing old age with no compensation, other than the return of their voting rights, which are practically meaningless. They have been stigmatized for life and their surviving children and grandchildren have also been identified in such terms.

We tend to forget that the PKI also staged a rebellion in 1948. Yet Soekarno never banned the party. It even rose again under a new leader (Aidit) two years later and in the 1955 general election emerged as one of the big winners side by side with the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI), the Indonesian Muslim Congregation (Masyumi) and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU).

Now we have not even considered seriously reconciliation with the victims of the G30S -- dead or still alive. Are we going to be a vindictive, unforgiving nation forever? Because we are a religious nation? What does that mean, anyway? Is communism the enemy of religion?

However, the birth of communism had nothing to do with religion. Yet in a way, the birth of political thoughts had something to do with man's dissolution with the principles of philosophy and religion, both of which teach equality and justice, while the realities of life were not seen to be in conformity with that kind of teaching. But then, by definition, ideals will continue to be unattainable. The realities of life will always be a relative realization of those ideals.

Indeed, what we know of the past is based on the "facts" available to us -- some just "myths" -- and is understand through a certain approach. Therefore, history will never be fully revealed or understood.

Hence the importance of a philosophy of history, to help us determine the way we write and rewrite history to serve a purpose. Cynics refer to history as "his story". A Russian proverb says, a historian is an "expert in predicting the past".

The writer is a political analyst.