Forty years since the day that changed RI

Forty years since the day that changed RI

J. Soedjati Djiwandono, Jakarta

Until today, the so-termed G30S (the Sept. 30 Movement of
1965), has been a part of Indonesia's modern history, albeit
subject to interpretation. It has been rich in mysteries.

Soeharto, who based his "silent coup d'etat" on the so-called
Supersemar (March-11 order issued by president Sukarno) has never
revealed if such an order really existed, and who really keeps
it.

A document -- only revealed after the demise of Soeharto and
shown in a televised recording of Soekarno delivering a speech on
the Supersemar -- said that the March-11 order "was not a
transfer of authority".

Napoleon Bonaparte once said, "What is history but a fable
agreed upon?" That seems to have been aptly applied to the G30S.
Interestingly, despite the different interpretations of scholars
and researchers the world over, the official version of the G30S
imposed by Soeharto has continued to be accepted in total in this
country.

Despite condemnations of Soeharto's New Order by successive
regimes in the "era of reform", that official version of the G30S
has continued to prevail with all its implications. Early last
month, this paper reported that dozens of people from various
Muslim organizations had staged a protest at the Central Jakarta
District Court, demanding the suspension of a class action filed
by former members of the now-defunct Indonesian Communist Party
(PKI).

Some of the protesters from the so-termed Islam Defenders
Front (FPI), Joint Islam Youth Group (GPI), Indonesian Mujahidin
Council (MMI) and Indonesian Islam Students (PPI) entered the
courthouse, shouting, "Allahhu Akbar (God is Great)." Other
protesters staged a "free-speech" forum outside the courtroom,
shouting, "the PKI is the enemy of Islam," and unfurled a banner
reading "Crush the PKI".

Eka Jaya, operational coordinator of the FPI Jakarta, said
that their presence at the court was aimed mainly at demanding
that the panel of judges presided over by Cicut Sutiarso not
accede to the class action. "What a shame for the PKI. They
demand compensation but they used to massacre (Muslim) followers.
If their demands are met, there will be a war; we will drive them
away and use their money for violent activities," he said.

Meanwhile, Mujayin, 75, a representative of about 100 former
PKI members, now aged 60 years and above, said he was merely
seeking justice. "We were arrested and jailed without any
justice. What about presumption of innocence?" said Mujayin, who
was sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment on Buru Island on charges
of involvement in an alleged PKI coup attempt.

"Stigmatization not only burdens the accused, but also his
offspring," said Mujayin, who is a Muslim.

Through the class action, the former PKI members were
demanding compensation from the government amounting to Rp 2.4
billion (US$244.5 million) and another Rp 10 billion for non-
material losses, violation of their rights and other losses
caused by the stigmatization.

On the front gate of the huge cemetery in what is now St.
Petersburg (previously called Leningrad), in memory of the
thousands of victims of the siege of the city by the Nazi forces,
which the former Soviet regime remembered as the Great Patriotic
War, there was a sign in Russian, meaning "Nothing is forgotten".
Perhaps for Indonesians, another phrase would be more appropriate
to describe the attitude of many Indonesians, including our
government since the era of the "new order", which is -- as far
as the alleged members of the PKI are concerned -- "No one is
forgiven."

Indeed, we have been talking about national reconciliation in
Aceh and East Timor; and demanding justice for the victims of the
Trisakti and Semanggi tragedies.

Without lacking in the slightest appreciation for the need for
such reconciliation and demands for justice for the victims of
those more recent tragedies, the G30S tragedy was definitely not
of a lesser magnitude.

Thousands of innocent people were massacred or imprisoned
without trial. Many died during their imprisonment; it is
probable that most were tortured. Those who were released
are now facing old age with no compensation, other than the
return of their voting rights, which are practically meaningless.
They have been stigmatized for life and their surviving children
and grandchildren have also been identified in such terms.

We tend to forget that the PKI also staged a rebellion in
1948. Yet Soekarno never banned the party. It even rose again
under a new leader (Aidit) two years later and in the 1955
general election emerged as one of the big winners side by side
with the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI), the Indonesian
Muslim Congregation (Masyumi) and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU).

Now we have not even considered seriously reconciliation with
the victims of the G30S -- dead or still alive. Are we going to
be a vindictive, unforgiving nation forever? Because we are a
religious nation? What does that mean, anyway? Is communism the
enemy of religion?

However, the birth of communism had nothing to do with
religion. Yet in a way, the birth of political thoughts had
something to do with man's dissolution with the principles of
philosophy and religion, both of which teach equality and
justice, while the realities of life were not seen to be in
conformity with that kind of teaching. But then, by definition,
ideals will continue to be unattainable. The realities of life
will always be a relative realization of those ideals.

Indeed, what we know of the past is based on the "facts"
available to us -- some just "myths" -- and is understand through
a certain approach. Therefore, history will never be fully
revealed or understood.

Hence the importance of a philosophy of history, to help us
determine the way we write and rewrite history to serve a
purpose. Cynics refer to history as "his story". A Russian
proverb says, a historian is an "expert in predicting the past".

The writer is a political analyst.