Foreign policy in a democratic Indonesia

By Meidyatama Suryodiningrat

JAKARTA (JP): Historic commemorations are always a good time for reflection, particularly during the nation's Aug. 17 Independence Day.

The sacrifices of those who fought, suffered and died for the nation's independence can never be repaid.

It is appropriate that patriotic pictures of gallant independence fighters with their famed bamboo spears be hung on the wall. That films be aired romanticizing how, against all odds, the ill-equipped and outnumbered freedom fighters won the day.

But amid all the glorification of the past, sometimes it is forgotten that independence was as much won by diplomacy and negotiation as it was blood and sweat.

Thus it is no wonder that foreign policy has played, and should continue to play, a banner role in the life of the republic.

The dawn of the new government and revitalized self-belief ushered in by the Megawati administration not only brings hope of stability and economic recovery, but also the prospect that foreign policy can again contribute, just like in the independence struggle, in clearing a path for the recognition of a new emerging Indonesia.

What ever regime or "Order" maybe the lord of the day, Indonesia has always had a noted role in international affairs.

Every schoolboy knows the geopolitical facts: Indonesia is one of the biggest countries in the world with the fifth largest population, it straddles on the equator, it is strategically located between two continents and two major oceans, and it is a crossroads for major international shipping.

And in recent times the fact that it has the largest Muslim population in the world has come into increasing importance.

From the pivotal Bandung Conference in the 1950s, Sukarno's New Emerging Forces, the formation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to the heyday of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) in the early and mid-1990s, Indonesia for whatever reason, right or wrong, has consistently tried to help shape the world order.

When Indonesia huffs, the region at least puffs.

But many here would gasp with horror if it was suggested that Indonesia should today play the kind of heavy-duty proactive role of the past.

Even more will contend there is no point being so outward looking as the country cannot even get its own house in order.

True though these facts may be, Indonesia has a moral obligation, clearly enshrined in the 1945 Constitution, to "contribute in implementing an order in the world based upon independence, abiding peace and social justice."

Former foreign minister Ali Alatas recently underlined this obligation for the country to continue help shape a just world order, including a strong role in the region.

Muhammad Hatta, Indonesia's founding father and first vice president, also set out the course of a "free and active" foreign policy without prostrating to a singular power or hegemony.

President Megawati Soekarnoputri, as she presented her government, also underlined the important role foreign policy ought to play in her administration.

She reasserted her faithfulness in the "free and active" concept and that among the working programs of the new government was the restoration of Indonesia's international credibility and confidence.

There is real hope that the fundamentals of Indonesian foreign policy can also be adhered to this time around after the tempest under president's B.J. Habibie and Abdurrahman Wahid that saw these principles widely abused.

The hope lies in the appointment of career diplomat Hassan Wirayuda as foreign minister. A man well-versed in the decorums of diplomacy.

Alatas pointed out one clear advantage of having a career diplomat as foreign minister rather than a political appointee i.e. the chief diplomat would not be distracted by domestic politicking.

Hopefully Megawati's commitment to heeding basic foreign policy precepts will avoid indulgence toward such ideas as opening diplomatic ties with Israel, as seen in the early days of Abdurrahman's administration.

The immediate task at hand, as stipulated by the president, is to win back international confidence in Indonesia, which basically means getting investors and tourists back.

But no matter how accomplished diplomats may be, if political and economic stability is not guaranteed, such efforts will be futile. Foreign policy is determined by the conditions at home.

Thus Hassan's success in the immediate future will depend on how well his colleagues in the Cabinet can foster market confidence and ensure stability.

Reform

Despite the tribulations which have and continue to occur, Indonesians with the advent of the reform era have embraced a "new" paradigm in their daily lives.

One which better embraces the basic political and social rights of its citizens.

While it remains far from perfect, "the people" to some degree have the opportunity to hold their elected representatives responsible and a greater say in the running of government.

If these qualities are held to be virtuous, Indonesia through its foreign policy can help to at least diffuse these values to its friends without being self-righteous and still uphold the ideal of nonintervention.

Without seemingly trying to "export revolutions", Indonesia can help point the way to the first difficult steps toward a democratic society.

Indonesia is certainly no model for change, and the calamities which it has experienced should not be wished upon anyone else.

But at least it shows that change within a previously immovable totalitarian state is possible.

One debatable example would be India. While the south Asian state is not regarded as the most economically developed and its politics still fraught with tension and violence, it is respected for its adherence to a democratic culture.

Today in Indonesia we may not be too proud of the current state of the nation, but as long as we remain faithful to our democratic virtues, at least we can boast that the best is yet to come.