Foreign policy in a democratic Indonesia

Foreign policy in a democratic Indonesia

By Meidyatama Suryodiningrat

JAKARTA (JP): Historic commemorations are always a good time
for reflection, particularly during the nation's Aug. 17
Independence Day.

The sacrifices of those who fought, suffered and died for the
nation's independence can never be repaid.

It is appropriate that patriotic pictures of gallant
independence fighters with their famed bamboo spears be hung on
the wall. That films be aired romanticizing how, against all
odds, the ill-equipped and outnumbered freedom fighters won the
day.

But amid all the glorification of the past, sometimes it is
forgotten that independence was as much won by diplomacy and
negotiation as it was blood and sweat.

Thus it is no wonder that foreign policy has played, and
should continue to play, a banner role in the life of the
republic.

The dawn of the new government and revitalized self-belief
ushered in by the Megawati administration not only brings hope of
stability and economic recovery, but also the prospect that
foreign policy can again contribute, just like in the
independence struggle, in clearing a path for the recognition of
a new emerging Indonesia.

What ever regime or "Order" maybe the lord of the day,
Indonesia has always had a noted role in international affairs.

Every schoolboy knows the geopolitical facts: Indonesia is one
of the biggest countries in the world with the fifth largest
population, it straddles on the equator, it is strategically
located between two continents and two major oceans, and it is a
crossroads for major international shipping.

And in recent times the fact that it has the largest Muslim
population in the world has come into increasing importance.

From the pivotal Bandung Conference in the 1950s, Sukarno's
New Emerging Forces, the formation of the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to the heyday of the Non-Aligned
Movement and the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) in the
early and mid-1990s, Indonesia for whatever reason, right or
wrong, has consistently tried to help shape the world order.

When Indonesia huffs, the region at least puffs.

But many here would gasp with horror if it was suggested that
Indonesia should today play the kind of heavy-duty proactive role
of the past.

Even more will contend there is no point being so outward
looking as the country cannot even get its own house in order.

True though these facts may be, Indonesia has a moral
obligation, clearly enshrined in the 1945 Constitution, to
"contribute in implementing an order in the world based upon
independence, abiding peace and social justice."

Former foreign minister Ali Alatas recently underlined this
obligation for the country to continue help shape a just world
order, including a strong role in the region.

Muhammad Hatta, Indonesia's founding father and first vice
president, also set out the course of a "free and active" foreign
policy without prostrating to a singular power or hegemony.

President Megawati Soekarnoputri, as she presented her
government, also underlined the important role foreign policy
ought to play in her administration.

She reasserted her faithfulness in the "free and active"
concept and that among the working programs of the new government
was the restoration of Indonesia's international credibility and
confidence.

There is real hope that the fundamentals of Indonesian foreign
policy can also be adhered to this time around after the tempest
under president's B.J. Habibie and Abdurrahman Wahid that saw
these principles widely abused.

The hope lies in the appointment of career diplomat Hassan
Wirayuda as foreign minister. A man well-versed in the decorums
of diplomacy.

Alatas pointed out one clear advantage of having a career
diplomat as foreign minister rather than a political appointee
i.e. the chief diplomat would not be distracted by domestic
politicking.

Hopefully Megawati's commitment to heeding basic foreign
policy precepts will avoid indulgence toward such ideas as
opening diplomatic ties with Israel, as seen in the early days of
Abdurrahman's administration.

The immediate task at hand, as stipulated by the president, is
to win back international confidence in Indonesia, which
basically means getting investors and tourists back.

But no matter how accomplished diplomats may be, if political
and economic stability is not guaranteed, such efforts will be
futile. Foreign policy is determined by the conditions at home.

Thus Hassan's success in the immediate future will depend on
how well his colleagues in the Cabinet can foster market
confidence and ensure stability.

Reform

Despite the tribulations which have and continue to occur,
Indonesians with the advent of the reform era have embraced a
"new" paradigm in their daily lives.

One which better embraces the basic political and social
rights of its citizens.

While it remains far from perfect, "the people" to some degree
have the opportunity to hold their elected representatives
responsible and a greater say in the running of government.

If these qualities are held to be virtuous, Indonesia through
its foreign policy can help to at least diffuse these values to
its friends without being self-righteous and still uphold the
ideal of nonintervention.

Without seemingly trying to "export revolutions", Indonesia
can help point the way to the first difficult steps toward a
democratic society.

Indonesia is certainly no model for change, and the calamities
which it has experienced should not be wished upon anyone else.

But at least it shows that change within a previously
immovable totalitarian state is possible.

One debatable example would be India. While the south Asian
state is not regarded as the most economically developed and its
politics still fraught with tension and violence, it is respected
for its adherence to a democratic culture.

Today in Indonesia we may not be too proud of the current
state of the nation, but as long as we remain faithful to our
democratic virtues, at least we can boast that the best is yet to
come.