European Union and the two Koreas

SEOUL: The eventual outcome notwithstanding, the ongoing back- to-back visits to North and South Korea by the highest-powered Western delegation ever deserve the particular attention of global watchers because of their purpose and timing. Led by Prime Minister Goran Persson of Sweden, which holds the European Union's six-month, rotating presidency, the 23-member mission flew into Seoul on Thursday, winding up its 28-hour stay in Pyongyang.

During the overnight sojourn in the North Korean capital, the EU's foreign affairs troika, also comprising Security Affairs Chief Javier Solana and External Relations Commissioner Chris Patten, did what otherwise might have been expected of their U.S. counterparts -- relaying to the famine-stricken country the message of the international community to open up further to the outside world and get out of its economic isolation.

They specifically called on North Korean leader Kim Jong-il to make a reciprocal visit to Seoul and keep up the momentum of peace and rapprochement on the Korean Peninsula born during his summit last June with South Korean President Kim Dae-jung; to reaffirm Pyongyang's resolve not to develop weapons of mass destruction; to improve the human rights situation; and to reform the devastated economy of the Communist country.

The North Korean strongman's response to these suggestions was apparently rather limited and moved little beyond his government's existing basic principles on them. Such a result might have disappointed many but surprised few, including the EU visitors, who had cautioned at the outset against expectations of any major breakthrough from the summit, while acknowledging their role as supplementary at best to America's initiative in Korean affairs.

Nonetheless, the EU's success in inducing Pyongyang to reconfirm the need to implement the June 15 Joint Declaration could hardly have come at a better time. The hard-won opportunity for peace and stability on the divided peninsula could be slipping away in the face of the hard-line policy toward the North since the inauguration of the new U.S. government under President George W. Bush earlier this year.

Especially noteworthy were Kim Jong-il's reported comments signaling his desire for dialogue with his two major counterparts. Kim reiterated that he would visit the South as soon as possible for a second summit with President Kim Dae-jung. While expressing concerns about President Bush's commitment Wednesday to re-launching the Missile Defense system, the North Korean leader also showed willingness to talk with Washington on his own missiles.

Both the EU and North Korea appear to be satisfied with the outcome of the summit meetings. The Brussels called them "successful" and Pyongyang, "fruitful." With the two sides expected to extend diplomatic recognition to one another in mid- May, some European firms will get a foothold in the North ahead of their American competitors. Pyongyang will also receive humanitarian aid and Kim Jong-il showed once again his firm leadership and confidence to the whole world.

Currently, the European peace initiative seems to be the only glimmer of hope for detente in the Northeast Asian region, which is even seeing signs of reverting to the Cold War confrontation of the 1980s. Behind a bewildered Seoul in this new "three-on- three" game is the hard-line, conservative Washington and right wing, nationalist Tokyo. Alongside a cornered Pyongyang are the increasingly self-assertive allies of Beijing and Moscow.

Yet it is patently clear that only the United States can disentangle this "neo-Cold War" in the making. Washington should resume talks with Pyongyang as soon as possible, as President Kim urged Bush over the phone Wednesday, whether or not the United States decides to push ahead with the MD plan. Even Britain, one of the staunchest allies of the United States, noted that the threats from "rogue" states, particularly North Korea, were grossly exaggerated.

Most important of all, however, are the two Koreas. The two Kims and other leaders here should forget for now their short- term political machinations to prevent the nation's perennial division. The memories of the early 1900s are still fresh -- when the four superpowers surrounding us, plus some European nations, struggled for hegemony in this country torn apart by ideological and political strifes among its leaders

-- The Korea Herald/Asia News Network