Engaging in 'Friday politics'

Engaging in 'Friday politics'

By Rachmad Bahari

JAKARTA (JP): Political lobbying among parties or interest
groups is quite normal. But there is something different about
the lobbying after Friday prayers at Al Furqon and Al Azhar
mosques in the last two weeks.

A third meeting is reportedly planned next Friday after
prayers in Yogyakarta, involving Sultan Hamengkubuwono X.
The last two meetings were interesting because members of two
groups known as rivals -- the Indonesian Democratic Party of
Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) and the "Axis Force" -- were willing to
lobby each other.

There are two observations from these "Friday politicking"
meetings. First, the sign of efforts to change the presidency
before the incumbent's legal term finishes has become quite
strong.

Second, the issue of morality and accountability of political
party leaders involved in the meetings raises questions among the
public. Third, the presence of "Mr. Megawati" alias Taufik Kiemas
is of special interest.

The performance of Abdurrahman Wahid's government, which has
not improved, and an apparent cleanup of the Cabinet in which it
is becoming like "all the President's men" seems to have
irritated the Axis Force and the Golkar Party.

Political games through the loose coalition of the Axis Force
and Golkar made Abdurrahman the victor in the last presidential
election at the 1999 General Session of the People's Consultative
Assembly.

This countered the results of the election in which PDI
Perjuangan was the winner. The political games led by the Axis
Force worked, and Megawati Soekarnoputri failed to become
Indonesia's fourth president.

The loose coalition established for instant political
interests has proved to be quite fragile. The President has
chosen to walk alone without accommodating the interests of the
Axis Force and Golkar.

As a result Abdurrahman's government has always been subject
to "disturbances". The House of Representatives' first memorandum
of censure issued to the President based on allegations of his
involvement in the abuse of nonbudgetary funds of the State
Logistics Agency, and abuse of financial aid from the sultan of
Brunei, as well as alleged violation of his presidential oath,
have been the most serious disturbances so far.

The majority of voices in the House which agreed to the
results of the special committee looking into the scandals
indicate the strength of these attempts to disrupt Abdurrahman's
presidency.

The most noted attempt came from the main pillar of the Axis
Force -- that of the supporters of Abdurrahman in the
presidential election, comprising the National Mandate Party
(PAN) and the Islamic parties of the Justice Party, the Crescent
Star Party and the United Development Party.

Through their respective House factions they withdrew their
support for Abdurrahman as president and advocated the
arrangement of a special session of the Assembly as soon as
possible.

With the largest factions of PDI Perjuangan and Golkar
unlikely to support it, it is unlikely that the Axis Force's
attempts to accelerate the special session will succeed.
Furthermore, if Abdurrahman is forced to quit the presidency, the
Vice President will automatically replace him in line with the
Constitution.

The Axis Force and Golkar would have no other choice than to
support Megawati as president.

The approach of the Axis Force toward PDI Perjuangan in
ensuring Megawati's ascent to the presidency deserves to be
questioned. Before taking this important and strategic step, the
leaders should give their accountability to respective followers
by declaring that they had earlier been wrong in choosing a
president.

What is happening now is political leaders arbitrarily making
decisions for short-term interests. This behavior can lead us to
judge their morality and accountability toward their
constituents, who chose them as their representatives.

Such leaders need to be reminded that they hold the people's
mandate and are thus not entitled to act on their own with ease.

This would be a bad precedent to the country's political life
-- leaders making the wrong decision without being accountable
for it, and then just as easily making another one.

Before the 1999 presidential election, the leaders of Islamic
political parties clearly stated that it was forbidden in Islam
to have a woman as president -- now they cite the Constitution as
their justification in supporting Megawati.

Regarding Taufik Kiemas, in what capacity has he attended
those meetings, given that he is not a party executive? Political
games indeed do involve nonparty executives who have strong
influence. But the involvement of Megawati's husband in political
lobbying could instead lower Megawati's worth.

It would be better for Taufik to play behind the scenes, which
is quite valid; but a clear presence of Megawati's husband could
reduce the authority of party executives. We could learn from the
role of Bill Clinton in the candidacy of Hillary Rodham Clinton
as a senator from New York.

If Taufik turns out to be more influential in the decision-
making of PDI Perjuangan, it would mean that our political
tradition has yet to be free of dynasties and patrimonial
characteristics -- at least concerning this party symbolized by
the bull's head.

The writer is a senior researcher at the Jakarta-based Institute
for Policy and Community Development Studies.