Engaging in 'Friday politics'

By Rachmad Bahari

JAKARTA (JP): Political lobbying among parties or interest groups is quite normal. But there is something different about the lobbying after Friday prayers at Al Furqon and Al Azhar mosques in the last two weeks.

A third meeting is reportedly planned next Friday after prayers in Yogyakarta, involving Sultan Hamengkubuwono X. The last two meetings were interesting because members of two groups known as rivals -- the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) and the "Axis Force" -- were willing to lobby each other.

There are two observations from these "Friday politicking" meetings. First, the sign of efforts to change the presidency before the incumbent's legal term finishes has become quite strong.

Second, the issue of morality and accountability of political party leaders involved in the meetings raises questions among the public. Third, the presence of "Mr. Megawati" alias Taufik Kiemas is of special interest.

The performance of Abdurrahman Wahid's government, which has not improved, and an apparent cleanup of the Cabinet in which it is becoming like "all the President's men" seems to have irritated the Axis Force and the Golkar Party.

Political games through the loose coalition of the Axis Force and Golkar made Abdurrahman the victor in the last presidential election at the 1999 General Session of the People's Consultative Assembly.

This countered the results of the election in which PDI Perjuangan was the winner. The political games led by the Axis Force worked, and Megawati Soekarnoputri failed to become Indonesia's fourth president.

The loose coalition established for instant political interests has proved to be quite fragile. The President has chosen to walk alone without accommodating the interests of the Axis Force and Golkar.

As a result Abdurrahman's government has always been subject to "disturbances". The House of Representatives' first memorandum of censure issued to the President based on allegations of his involvement in the abuse of nonbudgetary funds of the State Logistics Agency, and abuse of financial aid from the sultan of Brunei, as well as alleged violation of his presidential oath, have been the most serious disturbances so far.

The majority of voices in the House which agreed to the results of the special committee looking into the scandals indicate the strength of these attempts to disrupt Abdurrahman's presidency.

The most noted attempt came from the main pillar of the Axis Force -- that of the supporters of Abdurrahman in the presidential election, comprising the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the Islamic parties of the Justice Party, the Crescent Star Party and the United Development Party.

Through their respective House factions they withdrew their support for Abdurrahman as president and advocated the arrangement of a special session of the Assembly as soon as possible.

With the largest factions of PDI Perjuangan and Golkar unlikely to support it, it is unlikely that the Axis Force's attempts to accelerate the special session will succeed. Furthermore, if Abdurrahman is forced to quit the presidency, the Vice President will automatically replace him in line with the Constitution.

The Axis Force and Golkar would have no other choice than to support Megawati as president.

The approach of the Axis Force toward PDI Perjuangan in ensuring Megawati's ascent to the presidency deserves to be questioned. Before taking this important and strategic step, the leaders should give their accountability to respective followers by declaring that they had earlier been wrong in choosing a president.

What is happening now is political leaders arbitrarily making decisions for short-term interests. This behavior can lead us to judge their morality and accountability toward their constituents, who chose them as their representatives.

Such leaders need to be reminded that they hold the people's mandate and are thus not entitled to act on their own with ease.

This would be a bad precedent to the country's political life -- leaders making the wrong decision without being accountable for it, and then just as easily making another one.

Before the 1999 presidential election, the leaders of Islamic political parties clearly stated that it was forbidden in Islam to have a woman as president -- now they cite the Constitution as their justification in supporting Megawati.

Regarding Taufik Kiemas, in what capacity has he attended those meetings, given that he is not a party executive? Political games indeed do involve nonparty executives who have strong influence. But the involvement of Megawati's husband in political lobbying could instead lower Megawati's worth.

It would be better for Taufik to play behind the scenes, which is quite valid; but a clear presence of Megawati's husband could reduce the authority of party executives. We could learn from the role of Bill Clinton in the candidacy of Hillary Rodham Clinton as a senator from New York.

If Taufik turns out to be more influential in the decision- making of PDI Perjuangan, it would mean that our political tradition has yet to be free of dynasties and patrimonial characteristics -- at least concerning this party symbolized by the bull's head.

The writer is a senior researcher at the Jakarta-based Institute for Policy and Community Development Studies.