Empowering ethnic Chinese

Empowering ethnic Chinese

By Ester I. Jusuf

This is the first of two articles on challenges facing the
ethnic Chinese in Indonesia.

JAKARTA (JP): An interesting phenomenon to observe prior to
the June 7, 1999, general election were the attempts made by
various political parties to woo the ethnic Chinese vote.

Suddenly, these parties developed a great interest in the
"Chinese issue". Unlike previous polls of the New Order era,
several parties included in their campaign activities the Chinese
Lion Dance and martial arts attractions. Some also pledged to
reserve a place for representatives of the ethnic Chinese in the
House of Representatives (DPR) or in the Cabinet lineup.

It is also interesting to note that in their campaigns some
parties promised to recognize Confucianism as one of the
government-sanctioned religions in Indonesia. These parties seem
to be vying with one another in their efforts to uphold pluralism
and inter-ethnic equal rights.

Why this sudden phenomenon? Is it only a transient phenomenon
as part of the campaign strategy to woo supporters? And why have
ethnic Chinese been targeted?

The cause may be related to several assumptions. First,
quantitatively, the ethnic Chinese constitute quite a large
number: between eight and 10 million, according to a general
estimate. Some even put the number at 16 million, including, of
course, assimilated ethnic Chinese. This number is quite large
compared with the number of other ethnic groups in Indonesia.
This means that the ethnic Chinese belong to the country's five
biggest ethnic groups.

Second, economically, it is undeniable that the ethnic Chinese
are in relative command of the private business sector, though
not, of course, the entire economic sector of the country, as has
often been publicly stated from certain quarters. Economic expert
Christianto Wibisono, an ethnic Chinese whose family was a victim
in the 1998 May riot, has emphatically said that 75 percent of
Indonesia's economic activities in the private sector are in the
hands of the ethnic Chinese. However, this condition has not come
by itself out of the blue. The ability of the ethnic Chinese to
run their businesses is the result of centuries of practice.

We know that the first Chinese people set foot in Indonesia in
the seventh century, before Indonesia was even shaped as a
concept. When the Dutch colonial forces came to Indonesia in the
16th century, the Chinese had already played an important role,
not only in the international trading network, but also in the
distribution network in Indonesia, connecting urban and rural
economies. Unsurprisingly, later on the Dutch cashed in on the
Chinese trading tradition and made them their trading partners in
Indonesia to facilitate their exploitation of Indonesia's
agricultural produce.

The New Order regime did a similar thing, as they also made
use of the business acumen and capability of the ethnic Chinese.
In the 32 years of the New Order administration, the ethnic
Chinese were allowed mostly to concentrate in the business
sector. As a result, their business networks were greatly
expanded and their business power strengthened. So, it is this
fact upon which some political parties have pinned their hopes.
They wish to win the support of the ethnic Chinese to rebuild the
country's devastated economy. Or, at least, they wish to make the
ethnic Chinese their financial backbone. It would appear that
several parties campaigning in Chinese communities only paid
special attention to the ethnic Chinese of the middle-class and
upward. There has not been a report of any party visiting and
displaying empathy to Chinese communities in rural areas such as
Singkawang, Martubung, Medan or Teluk Naga.

Third, it is a fact that the ethnic Chinese tend to look for
security only, and assume an apolitical attitude as a result of
depoliticization, victimization, marginalization and extortion
during the New Order era. Many ethnic Chinese still shut
themselves off from any political activities as a result of the
depoliticization they were subjected to by the New Order regime.

As a result of various pressures and events which cornered the
ethnic Chinese, the group has been plagued with fear, confusion
and excessive apathy. Another implication of this condition is
that they trust their own group more, and prefer to establish a
colony of sorts in their residential areas. That is why familial
relationships among them have become very close, and there is a
tendency for exclusivity. Finally, they will seek the safest path
for themselves, because what enters their mind is, that in the
end, it is they that will be made targets of extortion,
scapegoatism and violence. Certainly not all ethnic Chinese
assume this attitude, but it is this image that has,
unfortunately, prevailed in our society.

Recently, many ethnic Chinese displayed great enthusiasm for
pledges made by various parties that there will be some ethnic
Chinese representatives in the DPR or in the Cabinet. Their
possible presence is indeed important.

However, the question is how significant the positions offered
will be. Will this presence bring about a change for the better
for the ethnic Chinese? Even in the New Order administration,
there were some ethnic Chinese in the Cabinet, but racist (anti-
Chinese) regulations and laws were still in place. (To date,
there are still 21 racist laws.) Besides, the ethnic Chinese have
been very clearly subjected to discriminatory practices.

There are at least two things the ethnic Chinese must take
into account when judging a political party: its political
program and its chairperson. First, regarding the political
program of a party, it must be examined whether or not there is a
concrete program that calls for popular democracy and the
abolition of all forms of racial and ethnic discrimination. Many
parties have indeed pledged their commitment to fight for the
rights of ethnic Chinese in the social, cultural, political and
civil right areas.

Yet, when we ask again how these parties will fight for these
rights as regards the ethnic Chinese, we are hard pressed to find
a concrete program. Second, a party leader must be free from any
New Order elements and also from corruption, collusion and
nepotism. He or she must have a strong commitment to the struggle
for popular democracy.

The writer is chairperson of the standing committee of
Solidaritas Nusa Bangsa (Motherland Solidarity).