Empowering ethnic Chinese

By Ester I. Jusuf

This is the first of two articles on challenges facing the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia.

JAKARTA (JP): An interesting phenomenon to observe prior to the June 7, 1999, general election were the attempts made by various political parties to woo the ethnic Chinese vote.

Suddenly, these parties developed a great interest in the "Chinese issue". Unlike previous polls of the New Order era, several parties included in their campaign activities the Chinese Lion Dance and martial arts attractions. Some also pledged to reserve a place for representatives of the ethnic Chinese in the House of Representatives (DPR) or in the Cabinet lineup.

It is also interesting to note that in their campaigns some parties promised to recognize Confucianism as one of the government-sanctioned religions in Indonesia. These parties seem to be vying with one another in their efforts to uphold pluralism and inter-ethnic equal rights.

Why this sudden phenomenon? Is it only a transient phenomenon as part of the campaign strategy to woo supporters? And why have ethnic Chinese been targeted?

The cause may be related to several assumptions. First, quantitatively, the ethnic Chinese constitute quite a large number: between eight and 10 million, according to a general estimate. Some even put the number at 16 million, including, of course, assimilated ethnic Chinese. This number is quite large compared with the number of other ethnic groups in Indonesia. This means that the ethnic Chinese belong to the country's five biggest ethnic groups.

Second, economically, it is undeniable that the ethnic Chinese are in relative command of the private business sector, though not, of course, the entire economic sector of the country, as has often been publicly stated from certain quarters. Economic expert Christianto Wibisono, an ethnic Chinese whose family was a victim in the 1998 May riot, has emphatically said that 75 percent of Indonesia's economic activities in the private sector are in the hands of the ethnic Chinese. However, this condition has not come by itself out of the blue. The ability of the ethnic Chinese to run their businesses is the result of centuries of practice.

We know that the first Chinese people set foot in Indonesia in the seventh century, before Indonesia was even shaped as a concept. When the Dutch colonial forces came to Indonesia in the 16th century, the Chinese had already played an important role, not only in the international trading network, but also in the distribution network in Indonesia, connecting urban and rural economies. Unsurprisingly, later on the Dutch cashed in on the Chinese trading tradition and made them their trading partners in Indonesia to facilitate their exploitation of Indonesia's agricultural produce.

The New Order regime did a similar thing, as they also made use of the business acumen and capability of the ethnic Chinese. In the 32 years of the New Order administration, the ethnic Chinese were allowed mostly to concentrate in the business sector. As a result, their business networks were greatly expanded and their business power strengthened. So, it is this fact upon which some political parties have pinned their hopes. They wish to win the support of the ethnic Chinese to rebuild the country's devastated economy. Or, at least, they wish to make the ethnic Chinese their financial backbone. It would appear that several parties campaigning in Chinese communities only paid special attention to the ethnic Chinese of the middle-class and upward. There has not been a report of any party visiting and displaying empathy to Chinese communities in rural areas such as Singkawang, Martubung, Medan or Teluk Naga.

Third, it is a fact that the ethnic Chinese tend to look for security only, and assume an apolitical attitude as a result of depoliticization, victimization, marginalization and extortion during the New Order era. Many ethnic Chinese still shut themselves off from any political activities as a result of the depoliticization they were subjected to by the New Order regime.

As a result of various pressures and events which cornered the ethnic Chinese, the group has been plagued with fear, confusion and excessive apathy. Another implication of this condition is that they trust their own group more, and prefer to establish a colony of sorts in their residential areas. That is why familial relationships among them have become very close, and there is a tendency for exclusivity. Finally, they will seek the safest path for themselves, because what enters their mind is, that in the end, it is they that will be made targets of extortion, scapegoatism and violence. Certainly not all ethnic Chinese assume this attitude, but it is this image that has, unfortunately, prevailed in our society.

Recently, many ethnic Chinese displayed great enthusiasm for pledges made by various parties that there will be some ethnic Chinese representatives in the DPR or in the Cabinet. Their possible presence is indeed important.

However, the question is how significant the positions offered will be. Will this presence bring about a change for the better for the ethnic Chinese? Even in the New Order administration, there were some ethnic Chinese in the Cabinet, but racist (anti- Chinese) regulations and laws were still in place. (To date, there are still 21 racist laws.) Besides, the ethnic Chinese have been very clearly subjected to discriminatory practices.

There are at least two things the ethnic Chinese must take into account when judging a political party: its political program and its chairperson. First, regarding the political program of a party, it must be examined whether or not there is a concrete program that calls for popular democracy and the abolition of all forms of racial and ethnic discrimination. Many parties have indeed pledged their commitment to fight for the rights of ethnic Chinese in the social, cultural, political and civil right areas.

Yet, when we ask again how these parties will fight for these rights as regards the ethnic Chinese, we are hard pressed to find a concrete program. Second, a party leader must be free from any New Order elements and also from corruption, collusion and nepotism. He or she must have a strong commitment to the struggle for popular democracy.

The writer is chairperson of the standing committee of Solidaritas Nusa Bangsa (Motherland Solidarity).