Elections: No turning back on democracy

By Warief Djajanto Basorie

JAKARTA (JP): "I have a track record: I am clean from corruption, collusion and nepotism and have never mixed with the New Order regime." With a dig at the 32-year rule of Soeharto's New Order, Amien Rais self-confidently replied to the question of why he considered himself fit to be the president of Indonesia.

In the run-up to Indonesia's groundbreaking, post-Soeharto election on June 7, Jakarta students invited presidential hopefuls to an unprecedented televised debate. Candidates exchanged personal barbs, as well as displaying their intellectual prowess and wit to the applause of a packed university hall.

That debate and subsequent televised ones gave Indonesia's 127 million eligible voters a clue to the ideas and the mettle of presidential contenders, and of the 48 parties contesting 462 seats in the House of Representatives (DPR). Together with 38 military appointees, the 500-member DPR joins 200 provincial level delegates and representatives of private organizations, including nongovernmental organizations, to form the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR). The MPR is scheduled to meet in November to choose the country's president.

The June elections feature no restrictions on the number of parties that can take part and no bans on candidates. This election stands to be as democratic as the 1955 election in Sukarno's time, Indonesia's first president. That poll had 118 parties participating, but only 28 won seats.

In between -- from 1966 to 1998 -- Indonesia had six elections. Soeharto called his administration the New Order to distinguish it from Sukarno's Old Order. Soeharto limited the number of recognized parties to three, and candidates were vetted on their political background. Soeharto's party, Golkar, consistently won whopping majority votes to perpetuate his administration. In the most recent election of May 1997, Golkar collected 74.5 percent of the ballot. The balance was shared between the other two perennials, the sidelined United Development Party (PPP) and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI).

On the current campaign trail, the Soeharto factor is a lively issue. When it comes to the former president, Amien Rais pulls no punches. The outspoken chair of the National Mandate Party (PAN), has long been a Soeharto critic, even before student activism forced Soeharto to quit on May 21, 1998, an event which opened the way for reform.

"PAN is committed to prosecute the whales and the big fish of corruption, collusion and nepotism, meaning Soeharto, his family and cronies, if the party gains power. But PAN will pardon the wrongs of the small fry, " Amien, a political science professor, said.

Amien's PAN, and two other parties, have mass followings. These other two parties are the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), chaired by Megawati Sukarnoputri, daughter of Indonesia's first president, and the National Awakening Party (PKB), headed by Abdurrahman Wahid, a noted Islamic scholar. All three leaders have charisma. All three aspire to be president. Their rallies draw crowds numbering in the hundreds of thousands.

Soeharto's party, Golkar, has nominated B.J. Habibie, the incumbent president and Soeharto protege, as its candidate. But Golkar has visibly lost its drawing power. In the past, it could count on government employees to enliven its mass meetings. Now, based on new election rules, civil servants must be neutral or if they join a political party must resign from government service. The reality of these rules struck home when Golkar chair Akbar Tandjung could only count on 2,000 supporters at a Jakarta rally on May 24. This was in sharp contrast to the ocean of red, Megawati's party color, that her supporters displayed on buses and motorbikes throughout Jakarta the day before.

Perhaps the party that has avant garde appeal is the Democratic People's Party (PRD). It was founded by about 20 radical students in 1996. One attraction is that it is the only party to call for the respect of human rights of homosexuals and transsexuals.

Major issues in the current campaign are Indonesia's economic crisis, the presidency, Soeharto's status, political reform, human rights, public safety and the threat of disintegration given the unrest in Aceh, Ambon, Irian Jaya, and East Timor. East Timor, under the auspices of the United Nations, will conduct an additional ballot on Aug. 8 to determine whether its people want greater autonomy within Indonesia or independence.

What do these first post-Soeharto elections mean? "We hope this election will be more democratic and result in a legitimate government. A legitimate government can undertake the initial economic and political reform efforts," says Ani Soetjipto, a lecturer on international relations at the University of Indonesia. Soetjipto listed two priorities that the new post- election government must tackle immediately: to overcome the economic crisis and, given the recurring unrest in the country, restore law and order.

In regard to Soeharto, Soetjipto believed he ought to be prosecuted. This would provide justification and legitimacy to the new government and show it is serious in resolving this contentious problem.

In the area of human rights, Habibie has released political prisoners, permitted greater press freedom and allowed new parties to form and participate in more open general elections. However, one human rights campaigner thinks the new government must do even more. She points out that not all political prisoners have been released yet, citing East Timorese leader Xanana Gusmao as one example. "Besides the release of political prisoners, the most critical human rights issue is for the Indonesian Military (TNI) to stop interfering in political matters, for the police force to be civilianized, and for it to take charge of security and law and order," declares Carmel Boediardjo, founder of Tapol, an Indonesia human rights organization based in London.

Soetjipto agrees TNI should abandon politics. "It should be out of politics. In any democratic society the role of the military is singular: it must be a professional military force."

With the May 1998 riots that traumatized Chinese-Indonesians, the rights of minorities is also a thorny issue. On ending racial discrimination, Boediardjo believes the next government needs to have a clear policy on the rights of all minorities. He said Chinese-Indonesians in particular need special protection "because of the scourge of racism". Soetjipto added that discrimination must be ended by giving equal opportunity in the work place and by enacting laws that guarantee the rights of all citizens.

Regarding women's rights, first, the new government must ensure women receive greater representation in decision-making bodies through affirmative action. Second, any new policy made must be gender sensitive, Ani Soetjipto states. Boediardjo adds that there must be legal protection for women against violence, including domestic violence. In addition, there must be strict laws for the punishment of rapists.

In the field of international relations, the next government will only gain the trust of foreign countries if it can create domestic stability free from unrest. Soetjipto said the government should also be consistent in its foreign policy, not taking one position and then backtracking, like it has done on Association of Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN) free trade issues.

Two neighbors which need particular attention are Malaysia and Singapore. The crucial issues are the haze caused by Indonesian forest fires and Indonesian migrant workers, numbering one million in Malaysia alone. Regarding the haze problem, Soetjipto believes no government can resolve the problem by itself. She said it must have the cooperation of the forest concessionaires on the ground. Two approaches could help resolve the migrant workers issue. First, create more jobs at home. Second, improve the procedure of sending workers abroad, so that those who do go are legal.

Looking ahead, Boediardjo believes federalism is the only answer to calls from many parts of the archipelago for greater decentralization. Soetjipto holds that Indonesia's legal infrastructure must be overhauled to halt corruption and collusion.

"Much hope is pinned on this election. We want an election that is of much better quality (than the past). Society is more open now. The current of democratization cannot be turned back," Soetjipto concluded.

The writer is a lecturer at the Dr. Sutomo Press Institute, Jakarta.