Elections: No turning back on democracy

Elections: No turning back on democracy

By Warief Djajanto Basorie

JAKARTA (JP): "I have a track record: I am clean from
corruption, collusion and nepotism and have never mixed with the
New Order regime." With a dig at the 32-year rule of Soeharto's
New Order, Amien Rais self-confidently replied to the question of
why he considered himself fit to be the president of Indonesia.

In the run-up to Indonesia's groundbreaking, post-Soeharto
election on June 7, Jakarta students invited presidential
hopefuls to an unprecedented televised debate. Candidates
exchanged personal barbs, as well as displaying their
intellectual prowess and wit to the applause of a packed
university hall.

That debate and subsequent televised ones gave Indonesia's 127
million eligible voters a clue to the ideas and the mettle of
presidential contenders, and of the 48 parties contesting 462
seats in the House of Representatives (DPR). Together with 38
military appointees, the 500-member DPR joins 200 provincial
level delegates and representatives of private organizations,
including nongovernmental organizations, to form the People's
Consultative Assembly (MPR). The MPR is scheduled to meet in
November to choose the country's president.

The June elections feature no restrictions on the number of
parties that can take part and no bans on candidates. This
election stands to be as democratic as the 1955 election in
Sukarno's time, Indonesia's first president. That poll had 118
parties participating, but only 28 won seats.

In between -- from 1966 to 1998 -- Indonesia had six
elections. Soeharto called his administration the New Order to
distinguish it from Sukarno's Old Order. Soeharto limited the
number of recognized parties to three, and candidates were vetted
on their political background. Soeharto's party, Golkar,
consistently won whopping majority votes to perpetuate his
administration. In the most recent election of May 1997, Golkar
collected 74.5 percent of the ballot. The balance was shared
between the other two perennials, the sidelined United
Development Party (PPP) and the Indonesian Democratic Party
(PDI).

On the current campaign trail, the Soeharto factor is a lively
issue. When it comes to the former president, Amien Rais pulls no
punches. The outspoken chair of the National Mandate Party (PAN),
has long been a Soeharto critic, even before student activism
forced Soeharto to quit on May 21, 1998, an event which opened
the way for reform.

"PAN is committed to prosecute the whales and the big fish of
corruption, collusion and nepotism, meaning Soeharto, his family
and cronies, if the party gains power. But PAN will pardon the
wrongs of the small fry, " Amien, a political science professor,
said.

Amien's PAN, and two other parties, have mass followings.
These other two parties are the Indonesian Democratic Party of
Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), chaired by Megawati Sukarnoputri,
daughter of Indonesia's first president, and the National
Awakening Party (PKB), headed by Abdurrahman Wahid, a noted
Islamic scholar. All three leaders have charisma. All three
aspire to be president. Their rallies draw crowds numbering in
the hundreds of thousands.

Soeharto's party, Golkar, has nominated B.J. Habibie, the
incumbent president and Soeharto protege, as its candidate. But
Golkar has visibly lost its drawing power. In the past, it could
count on government employees to enliven its mass meetings. Now,
based on new election rules, civil servants must be neutral or if
they join a political party must resign from government service.
The reality of these rules struck home when Golkar chair Akbar
Tandjung could only count on 2,000 supporters at a Jakarta rally
on May 24. This was in sharp contrast to the ocean of red,
Megawati's party color, that her supporters displayed on buses
and motorbikes throughout Jakarta the day before.

Perhaps the party that has avant garde appeal is the
Democratic People's Party (PRD). It was founded by about 20
radical students in 1996. One attraction is that it is the only
party to call for the respect of human rights of homosexuals and
transsexuals.

Major issues in the current campaign are Indonesia's economic
crisis, the presidency, Soeharto's status, political reform,
human rights, public safety and the threat of disintegration
given the unrest in Aceh, Ambon, Irian Jaya, and East Timor. East
Timor, under the auspices of the United Nations, will conduct an
additional ballot on Aug. 8 to determine whether its people want
greater autonomy within Indonesia or independence.

What do these first post-Soeharto elections mean? "We hope
this election will be more democratic and result in a legitimate
government. A legitimate government can undertake the initial
economic and political reform efforts," says Ani Soetjipto, a
lecturer on international relations at the University of
Indonesia. Soetjipto listed two priorities that the new post-
election government must tackle immediately: to overcome the
economic crisis and, given the recurring unrest in the country,
restore law and order.

In regard to Soeharto, Soetjipto believed he ought to be
prosecuted. This would provide justification and legitimacy to
the new government and show it is serious in resolving this
contentious problem.

In the area of human rights, Habibie has released political
prisoners, permitted greater press freedom and allowed new
parties to form and participate in more open general elections.
However, one human rights campaigner thinks the new government
must do even more. She points out that not all political
prisoners have been released yet, citing East Timorese leader
Xanana Gusmao as one example. "Besides the release of political
prisoners, the most critical human rights issue is for the
Indonesian Military (TNI) to stop interfering in political
matters, for the police force to be civilianized, and for it to
take charge of security and law and order," declares Carmel
Boediardjo, founder of Tapol, an Indonesia human rights
organization based in London.

Soetjipto agrees TNI should abandon politics. "It should be
out of politics. In any democratic society the role of the
military is singular: it must be a professional military force."

With the May 1998 riots that traumatized Chinese-Indonesians,
the rights of minorities is also a thorny issue. On ending racial
discrimination, Boediardjo believes the next government needs to
have a clear policy on the rights of all minorities. He said
Chinese-Indonesians in particular need special protection
"because of the scourge of racism". Soetjipto added that
discrimination must be ended by giving equal opportunity in the
work place and by enacting laws that guarantee the rights of all
citizens.

Regarding women's rights, first, the new government must
ensure women receive greater representation in decision-making
bodies through affirmative action. Second, any new policy made
must be gender sensitive, Ani Soetjipto states. Boediardjo adds
that there must be legal protection for women against violence,
including domestic violence. In addition, there must be strict
laws for the punishment of rapists.

In the field of international relations, the next government
will only gain the trust of foreign countries if it can create
domestic stability free from unrest. Soetjipto said the
government should also be consistent in its foreign policy, not
taking one position and then backtracking, like it has done on
Association of Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN) free trade issues.

Two neighbors which need particular attention are Malaysia and
Singapore. The crucial issues are the haze caused by Indonesian
forest fires and Indonesian migrant workers, numbering one
million in Malaysia alone. Regarding the haze problem, Soetjipto
believes no government can resolve the problem by itself. She
said it must have the cooperation of the forest concessionaires
on the ground. Two approaches could help resolve the migrant
workers issue. First, create more jobs at home. Second, improve
the procedure of sending workers abroad, so that those who do go
are legal.

Looking ahead, Boediardjo believes federalism is the only
answer to calls from many parts of the archipelago for greater
decentralization. Soetjipto holds that Indonesia's legal
infrastructure must be overhauled to halt corruption and
collusion.

"Much hope is pinned on this election. We want an election
that is of much better quality (than the past). Society is more
open now. The current of democratization cannot be turned back,"
Soetjipto concluded.

The writer is a lecturer at the Dr. Sutomo Press Institute,
Jakarta.