Thu, 04 Apr 2002

Egoism a hindrance to progress in reform

Mashudi Noorsalim, The RIDEP Institute, Jakarta

After four years of a civilian government, the civil society movement has not shown signs of progress. It is even further weakening and increasingly divided -- while the military hardliners, particularly the army, is growing stronger.

The appointment of Maj. Gen. Syafrie Syamsoeddin as spokesman for the Indonesian Military (TNI) is evidence of the strengthening hardline military influence on the power elite.

Some government measures connected with military policy have aroused controversy. For instance, the government insisted on the reestablishment of Aceh's Iskandar Muda regional military command, despite observers' arguments about its negative impact. Their view that the move had no benefit at all in terms of politics, defense, finance or judicial administration, let alone the dialog to end violence in Aceh, was ignored.

Other signs of increasing military clout include the earlier rejection of several generals to obey the summons of the Commission of Inquiry into Human Rights Violation (KPP HAM) during the 1999 Trisakti and Semanggi I and Semanggi II incidents the transfer of some high ranking Army officers, the postponed appointment of the TNI commander and the recent ransacking of the office of Kontras (Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence) which some suspect is related to the trial of military members in alleged human rights violations in East Timor.

Compared with the situation in the New Order period, there has been a shift in the pattern of military ploys to dominate the political scene.

First, military personnel no longer strive to occupy important government positions like governor, regent, etc.

Second, the TNI tends to avoid open conflicts with other groups in the legislature.

In the heat of public debates, the military prefers to remain silent. TNI abstained in the voting to set up the inquiry committee for the Bulog-I scam that eventually led to the ouster of president Abdurrahman Wahid.

Third, the military is now capable of benefiting from national political issues. The above controversial moves were taken when public attention was focused, among others, on the graft case of Akbar Tandjung, the splits within several major parties, and differences between Cabinet members concerning economic policies.

Fourth, a number of open minded officers with the potential to launch internal reforms within TNI are being transferred to less vital posts.

In a democratic political system, political parties are institutions that represent civilian communities in the legislature. Though Indonesia is not yet fully democratic, at the start of the reform period there were apparent attempts to build pillars of democracy like political parties, a system of open and fair elections, democratic legislation and freedom of public access to information.

Such efforts, however, were only formalities. Parties have rather become a means to gain power. Party cadre recruitment is an example. None of the existing parties have become "modern" political parties. Most still manage their organizations traditionally or even primordially, relying on certain figures and using religious jargon to strengthen the bond with the masses.

The nation still hopes that the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), intellectuals and student movements can make an impact on real reform. Unfortunately, this second group is facing a serious problem. For nearly four years now, it has been unable to undertake effective activities due to several weaknesses.

First, organizational management and administration remain weak. Most NGOs and student movements lack people with professional management skills to run their organizations. They often resemble units of concept formulators without anyone who is capable of implementing the ideas. They rely heavily on people with name recognition rather than on modern organizational structures. This situation leads to weak organizational accountability, and is taken advantage of by pro-status quo groups.

Second, egoism remains very dominant among the "democratic forces." Almost all NGOs and student movements share the same objective, to build democracy and civilian supremacy, but each considers itself morally superior than the others, preventing cohesiveness.

Student movements compete for claims as to who played the major role in bringing down Soeharto in May 1998. The student movements continue to fabricate rumors to discredit each other, which completely weakens their common agenda in safeguarding democratization.

Third, such weaknesses among NGOs and students cause vulnerability to the fast changing political conditions. Many NGOs and student movements are splitting up due to discord. Instead of growing in quality and in numbers, they are turning into smaller groups, more widely scattered and without proper coordination.

Pro-democracy movements are in a serious quandary -- while pro-status quo and representatives of military forces are increasingly vigorous. Expectations to create a democratic state will likely never be fulfilled.

International pressure used to be a supporting factor for the growth of civilian power in Indonesia. The world community aided civilian groups in the form of funds for research, advocacy, training and education.

Politically, the world donors also insisted that the government observe human rights in Indonesia. Nonetheless, since Sept. 11 the world community, particularly the U.S., has shifted its focus toward the eradication of terrorism. This change in international focus will indirectly affect pro-democracy movements. Regarding Indonesia, the U.S. will prioritize military assistance to combat terrorism, compared to aid for pro-democracy civilian movements.

This situation indicates that movements for democracy should be fostered by the civilians themselves instead of merely relying on international support and merely expecting the status quo and military influence to weaken.

These movements must be able to unite under a joint agenda to boost the spirit of democracy. Their first priorities should be to improve organizational management and to rid themselves of egoism.