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Effects of the globalization cast doubt on ASEAN

| Source: JP

Effects of the globalization cast doubt on ASEAN

This is the first of a two part article based on a keynote
address by Dr. Surin Pitsuwan, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
Kingdom of Thailand at the conference on Transition and
Globalization: Comparative Strategies, organized by The Institute
of Security and International Studies on Dec. 17, 1999 in
Bangkok.

BANGKOK (JP): I wish to focus on the imperative of reform
within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the
face of increasing pressures from globalization.

Here in the East, we have a unique attitude toward change and
transformation. Fundamentally, we are quite comfortable and
always prepared for change. For we believe, as reflected in a
Buddhist concept, you cannot step in the same river again -- for
the second time -- because, as time passes, water flows. Change
is a permanent feature of all things.

But globalization is overwhelming, overpowering, all
dimensional, all at once, and all encompassing. We could easily
be dazzled and dizzy as a result of globalization.

In the past I have used the term the "tsunami" of
globalization to describe this powerful phenomenon that is
currently engulfing the world. This metaphor brings to mind a
swift and potent force, a nature that is all pervasive and from
which where is hardly any escape. This tsunami can have a double-
sided nature, depending on how one chooses to deal with it.

On one hand, it can serve as a vehicle towards greater
prosperity for those who are capable of riding the crest of the
wave, and can harness its energy for their own benefit. On the
other hand, the tsunami can also cut a lethal path, destroying
those who are slow to react or who try to withstand its torrents.

This, therefore, is the challenge facing ASEAN as we prepare
to enter the new millennium. These challenges have been brought
about not only by globalization, but also by our expanded
membership and increased diversity. How we manage our diversity,
our differences, as well as our greater interdependence will be
crucial in determining whether we enter the next century in a
position of strength or a position of weakness.

The effects of the financial crisis and globalization have
already caused others to doubt the relevancy and efficacy of our
organization. In response, ASEAN will need to rethink its role
and the way it does business. While tremendous success has been
achieved during the past few decades by pursuing the "ASEAN Way",
we clearly need a new road map and a new vision to guide us into
the terra incognita of the future. Indeed, ASEAN will need to
adapt, adopt and adjust itself, lest it be engulfed by the
tsunami of globalization.

And may I propose to you that the ASEAN Vision 2020 is that
road map for the future. Thailand can indeed claim part of the
credit for this initiative because we were the ones who proposed
that ASEAN would need that road map, that vision.

As you may recall, this Government came into office in
November 1997 and then shortly after that we attended the Second
ASEAN Informal Summit in Kuala Lumpur. I remember one phrase that
we proposed at the Senior Officials' Meeting (SOM) prior to the
Summit and that phrase was "open society". Many reacted quite
violently against the use of this term.

At Government House here in Bangkok, the question was relayed
back from Kuala Lumpur whether Thailand would concede to use some
other title instead. Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai said "No",
adding that he would bring the matter to the very highest level.
Eventually, the SOM conceded, but with some modifications. It
goes like this:

"We envision the entire Southeast Asian region to be, by 2020,
an ASEAN community conscious of its ties of history, aware of its
cultural heritage, and bound by a common regional identity ... We
see vibrant and open ASEAN societies consistent with their
respective national identities, where all people enjoy equitable
access to opportunities for total human development regardless of
gender, race, religion, language, or social and cultural
background."

For our part, Thailand has undertaken a great many initiatives
within ASEAN ever since this Government has taken office. These
include pushing "the people's agenda" promoting the concept of
social safety nets, and advocating the idea of enhanced
interaction (its earlier incarnation was 'flexible engagement',
you all know that) -- all of which are intended to strengthen our
regional grouping.

As Current Chairman of the ASEAN Standing Committee, I have
proposed two main strategies that I believe ASEAN will need to
pursue if it is to survive in this globalized world. One is
called the "ASEAN Mekong Agenda." This involves the physical
development of the new members of ASEAN. The other is the program
of Human Resource Development (HRD) within ASEAN -- the human
dimension -- again, focusing on the new members.

I am delighted to say that at the recent ASEAN Informal Summit
in Manila, both these issues were accorded great significance by
our leaders and this was reflected in all the major documents of
the Summit as well as in the Joint Statement by the ASEAN 10 + 3.
Even more clear, and a direct reflection of this effort, we have
the Obuchi Plan by the Prime Minister of Japan proposing exactly
that -- greater intellectual exchanges, strengthening the centers
of excellence, science and technology in the ASEAN countries. Let
us have more exchanges of ideas for the future of Asia.

Allow me briefly to describe each of these proposals, which
are mutually reinforcing, starting with the ASEAN Mekong Agenda.

The ASEAN Vision 2000, adopted at the Second ASEAN Informal
Summit in Malaysia in December 1997, expressed the conviction
that over the next two decades ASEAN would be "moving towards
closer cohesion and economic integration, narrowing the gap in
the level of development among Member Countries." It also
envisions "a stable, prosperous and highly competitive ASEAN
Economic Region in which there is... equitable economic
development and reduced poverty and socio-economic disparities."

With this in mind, I have proposed the ASEAN Mekong Agenda as
a vehicle for reducing the disparities between the other and the
never members of ASEAN. As with any society, ASEAN cannot afford
to be divided into two groups -- the haves and the have-nots --
if all the members are to march together in tandem towards
greater prosperity for all. We have already succeeded in
bridging, or at least taming, the ideological divide among all
the ASEAN members.

Now is the time to focus on bridging the economic gap. For
without progress in this area, we shall not be able to achieve
meaningful success in economic schemes vital to ASEAN, such as
the ASEAN Free Trade Area, the ASEAN Investment Area, and ASEAN
Industrial Cooperation.

I am glad to inform you that on Feb. 12, 2000, there will be a
UN-ASEAN Summit to discuss how to cooperate and coordinate our
development strategies in this region. All the ASEAN of Heads of
State/Government, the United Nations Secretary-General and the
heads of all the UN agencies will be present at UNCTAD X in
Bangkok. All 190 members of the United Nations Conference on
Trade and Development -- two more than the total membership of
the United Nations -- will participate at the highest possible
level. ASEAN as a model for regional development cooperation will
be a focus of attention.

The inspiration for the Mekong Agenda stems from the fact that
ASEAN has now fulfilled our Founding Fathers' vision of a
community of 10 Southeast Asian nations. And now that we are
ASEAN 10, we must redouble our efforts toward greater cooperation
and integration.

Over the past few years, there has been a proliferation of
projects centred around the Mekong sub-region under various
titles. As a result, our already limited resources have been
spread much too thin for anything substantial to be achieved. It
sometimes seemed that we were trying to go in too many directions
at the same time and, as a result, we appeared to be going no
where.

For this reason, it is essential for ASEAN members to try to
identify all the cooperative schemes at the sub-regional level,
which may be a duplication of our efforts. Such schemes should be
prioritized, harmonized and brought under a more consolidated
framework. Rather than proposing a new project, my proposition is
merely a call for us all to consolidate our efforts and enhance
our cooperation with a view to attaining greater coherency and
efficacy in our collaborative efforts.

Without the development of the Mekong sub-region, we will
never achieve our dream of an ASEAN Free Trade Area. Deadlines
will be missed, passed, unachievable. We need to draw all the
resources available into the Mekong sub-region if we want our 500
million strong consumers to really be 500 million strong
consumers. Otherwise, this dream will elude us.

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