East Timor mayhem a lesson for TNI

East Timor mayhem a lesson for TNI

A multinational force is slated to arrive in East Timor at the
end of this week or early next week. Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, a senior
researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences, talks about
the various aspects of having the force in East Timor in a recent
interview with The Jakarta Post.

Question: How do you see our international standing after we
extended an invitation to United Nations peacekeepers to deploy
in East Timor?

Answer: It was a face-saving exit, for sure, though it was too
late. We virtually left tracks of a war there. Nevertheless, it
was wise of President B.J. Habibie. Martial law in East Timor
should serve as a valuable lesson for the Indonesian Military
(TNI): it failed to restore order. And I don't buy what TNI
Commander Gen. Wiranto said when he claimed that "psychological
obstacles" between TNI and prointegration militias had obstructed
peace efforts, because most of the militias were formed only
after Habibie's January announcement on East Timor. Didn't
Wiranto deny that TNI supported the militias?

Q: Will the UN take into account Indonesia's objection to
including certain countries in the UN force?

A: Are we really in a position to set preconditions? Don't
prolong the uncertainty; it could lead to more deaths and
starvation. Australia and the United Kingdom have declared they
are ready to dispatch troops to East Timor.

However, it is natural for TNI to warn Australia.
Prointegration militias have threatened Australians and victims
would lead to more emotional outbreaks on both sides.

TNI has a good reputation of having taken part in almost 20 UN
peacekeeping missions. Joining the mission would be its chance to
uphold this reputation. To avoid a double line of command the
military in East Timor should be part of the blue berets.

Q: Given's Gen. Wiranto's "psychological obstacles" excuse, do
you think TNI should be withdrawn altogether from East Timor?

A: Even if our soldiers are withdrawn, TNI should still give the
UN peacekeepers guidance on the prointegration and the Falintil
(proindependence) militias, data on the different groups, their
commanders, strength and ammunition -- that's if TNI really does
intend to help restore peace in East Timor.

Q: What should TNI do with the prointegration militias?

A: When the UN force enters East Timor, it will no longer be
under the protection of TNI. Would TNI have the heart to let
integrationist militia be gunned down either by the UN force or
possibly Falintil? Now they're creating more unrest in Atambua
(border area with East Nusa Tenggara). They must be disarmed and
evacuated to prevent more terror among refugees.

Q: The UN chief of human rights, Mary Robinson, has suggested the
formation of an international commission to investigate
allegations of military involvement in rights abuses in East
Timor. What is the prospect of bringing perpetrators within TNI
before an international court?

A: If the international community really has good intentions it
should not be done at this time. We are in transition from
authoritarianism to democracy. If such efforts are conducted TNI
could become more brutal ... Many of the perpetrators would have
been under commands on behalf of the state.

TNI members could be tried by a military tribunal. This would
not destroy their pride. The fact is that TNI is not only against
civilian supremacy, it is also unwilling to acknowledge equality
among civilians and the military.

We should first have some consensus with TNI. Like a general
amnesty for all perpetrators of rights abuses within TNI. Maybe
then the military would be willing to eventually give up its
dual-function role.

Q: How long should UN peacekeepers stay in East Timor?

A: It depends. TNI might stall the General Session of the
People's Consultative Assembly (in November), while we want an
earlier one and a quicker transition of East Timor's
administration to the UN. Whether the UN Security Council wants
to prolong the peacekeepers' stay would no longer be our
business.

Q: What about our responsibility to refugees fleeing East Timor?

A: We should, among other things, immediately act on our promise
to welcome those who want to be Indonesians and give them the
opportunity and freedom to develop and sustain themselves.

Otherwise, being a suffering Indonesian could lead to the
impression that being free from Indonesia is better ...

Q: When the military is no longer in East Timor, would it try to
stay in Aceh or Irian Jaya, saying it needs to fight separatists
there?

A: There is no way it should be allowed to do so. The TNI has
never won a war on its own turf. It has not been able to crush
the Free Papua Movement (OPM) since 1963. TNI has never won the
majority of people's hearts in areas of rebellion.

We will compensate the military (for the end of its dual
function and its role in crushing rebellions) only in terms of
budget, and ensure it has better equipment. Indonesian soldiers
can join UN missions and conduct exercises with other countries.

Q: Demonstrations are continuing against so-called foreign
intervention...

A: Indonesians must know that Australians rallied to our support
in our struggle to gain independence; later Indonesia was seen to
occupy East Timor. The Australian government has been very
careful on this issue. But one undeniable principle from the
Menzies government in the 1960s to the present Howard government
is that of a referendum. While from a strategic point of view
Australia would have preferred East Timor to be part of
Indonesia... This has been Australia's dilemma which has led to
demonstrations by its citizens. They say their government is
cowardly for not immediately sending troops, and for not
immediately revoking Australia's recognition of East Timor as
part of Indonesia. (anr)