East Timor and the free association model

East Timor and the free association model

Many East Timorese leaders and people have returned to rebuild
their lives and their ravaged new nation. Regarding the future of
the territory, political researcher Hermawan Sulistyo recommends
the adoption of a system that will benefit the new nation and its
neighbor.

JAKARTA (JP): Almost no political observer or politician at a
domestic or international level has paid much attention to the
future political format of East Timor. Recent commentaries,
reviews and analyses have focused on the displaced people, the
scale of the killings and the reign of terror in the post-ballot
period. There is a need to formulate in the near future and the
long run a transitional scheme or final format for East Timor's
statehood.

Whether we like it or not, the results of the ballot showed
that East Timor has chosen the path toward independence. Yet many
obstacles still dog the process toward independence. Leaving
aside recent political problems, East Timor as well as Indonesia
must face the future problems of their relationship. An
internationally backed independent but politically unstable East
Timor will pose an inherent threat to Indonesia's political
stability. Therefore, we urgently need a proposal that can cater
to the needs of both sides.

One of the biggest problems toward resolving the current
conflict is the status of prointegration East Timorese. They lost
their hope of residing in East Timor when the proindependence
side won the ballot. After the bloody outburst which followed the
announcement of the ballot's result, the prointegration camp came
up with a proposal to divide East Timor into eight regencies. The
prointegrationists said the territory would maintain its status
as an Indonesian province, but that it would allow the rest of
the territory -- the remaining three regencies -- to have their
independence. No consensus has so far been reached on this matter
or on other issues pertaining to the future independent East
Timor.

In proposing a format for an independent East Timor and its
relationship with Indonesia, we might learn something from
several small countries in the Pacific. Palau, the Cook Islands,
Nieu and the Marshall Islands can provide valuable lessons
regarding their independent status.

As small states, they adopt a scheme called a "free
association" with certain larger countries. The scheme retains
some functional services and systems of a small state with
various "metropolitan countries".

A free association scheme, drawn from these small states'
experiences seems a suitable model for the future relationship
between Indonesia and East Timor. Under the scheme, the first and
most important problem to be solved is the status of citizenship.
Under a "free association" scheme, a proindependence East
Timorese could have his or her East Timor citizenship, while a
prointegration East Timorese could hold dual citizenship.

"An East Timorese Indonesian", or whatever the term we use,
then retains his or her Indonesian citizenship without leaving
East Timor. On the part of the proindependence camp, free
association would be suitable for a reconciliation strategy. The
scheme should also be suitable for the prointegration camp,
because it solves the residency and citizenship status problem.

If both warring parties agreed to a free association scheme,
then there would still be a need for further technical
arrangements. Indonesian immigration law does not recognize dual
citizenship. However, legal reforms could provide room for a new
law to accommodate the special status of dual citizenship for the
Indonesian East Timorese.

With the problem of citizenship solved, other technical
arrangements would follow. These could include the use of the
rupiah as the currency. Rational considerations would prevent any
objection to the use of the Indonesian currency as East Timor's
currency. A shared postal system is another possible aspect of a
free association scheme. But a stamp indicates national identity,
and thus an independent East Timor should print its own stamps.

The list is much longer than we may think. Just consider the
systems of transportation, irrigation, education and language --
after Tetun and Portuguese, bahasa Indonesia is likely to be the
country's third language.

This is not to mention the economic relationship. For more
than two decades East Timor has received an annual subsidy of
US$70 million. After the post-ballot disaster, it is expected
that international grants and loans will soar to unprecedented
figures.

An economically booming East Timor, at least for a short
period, may lead to an imbalanced structure of regional economic
entanglements, which in turn will destabilize the region. A free
association scheme could serve as a proper economic arrangement
which would benefit both countries. Supplies that traditionally
came from Surabaya and other islands in East Nusa Tenggara can
lead to prosperity for nearby communities.

A carefully thought-out free association scheme could also
perhaps serve as a first step in easing Indonesia's long and
bitter tensions with Portugal. One stage of history is now over.
Under the new government of Indonesia, and under a free
association scheme between Indonesia and East Timor, there is no
need for an acrimonious relationship between Indonesia and
Portugal to continue. Many Indonesians do not know that the
current Portuguese government is not the same government that
enjoyed colonizing East Timor in the past.

There is no question that both Indonesia and East Timor
urgently need a modified free association scheme. To recover from
the bitter conflict of the past, the new government of Indonesia
can take the initiative to propel the scheme forward. The
sessions of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) are the best
place for us to start a new and positive course for both the
future of East Timor and Indonesia.