East Timor, a new nation is born

By Kusnanto Anggoro

JAKARTA (JP): An independent state of East Timor is being born. On Aug. 30, 2001, the second anniversary of the referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia, the East Timorese will vote in national elections for an 88-member Constituent Assembly that will have three months to write and adopt a constitution that will determine what type of political system East Timor will adopt. The Fretilin political party will very likely dominate the government.

It is still unclear as to when actual independence will occur. East Timor will remain under the control of the United Nations until actual independence is granted. The United Nations Transitional Authority in East Timor (UNTAET) will appoint the government in East Timor. Important as it may be, the significance of the election may not be related to the constitution, but the fact that it has also become a vehicle for national reconciliation. A successful election would be the most legitimate way to resolve the serious rupture in East Timorese society.

For the time being, this appears to have been resolved. A Pact of National Unity, signed on July 8 by 13 political parties, for example, should guarantee that the election will be peaceful. The atmosphere in the wake of elections appears to be positive, despite some complaints about fundraising irregularities and criticism leveled by rival parties. The 14-point pact may also become an important instrument to strengthen trust building in the post-election politics.

For sure, there are still many bumps in the road ahead to build a democratic entity and a tolerant multi-ethnic society. In the short-term, no one can be sure what kind of independent state will emerge from the transition. Like many other newly independent states, the temptation to become an authoritarian state will be very strong. The Fretilin party, who are likely to win the majority of election votes, have the electoral legitimacy to dominate the new government.

However, they may still need political support from other parties. Such an inclusionary strategy could be useful, especially in order to share the risk in running a government. Building a nation is more difficult than achieving independence. In addition to tribal politics, post-colonial East Timor has been facing other pressing problems; that is the division between those who stayed in Timor throughout the Indonesian occupation and those who left to live overseas; between the different groups who fought for independence and their differing understandings of that struggle.

The new government will encounter both pent-up expectations and frustrations. In the last week of April this year, for example, thousands of protesters marched before the UNTAET office in Dili. They may have been driven by political naivete, opportunism, or more sinister motives. Indeed, the protest was organized by two splinter groups within the Fretilin political party -- the Council for the Preservation of the Democratic Republic of East Timor and the Association of Timorese Social Democrats -- perhaps to undermine the Fretilin.

Yet they may have been voicing misgivings on the "benign colonialism" of the UNTAET, which decrees binding laws, negotiates treaties on East Timor's behalf, makes police arrests from district offices throughout the country, incarcerates suspects and even runs Timor's postal service. Many have raised concerns that these measures may have the potential to sap the initiative of local potential. More importantly, the protest may reflect grievances from those who feel left behind in East Timor's new order.

The leadership in East Timor faces massive social, political and economic hurdles. There will be no quick fix for East Timor. Elections, a constitution and government are necessary in the formation of states. However, these may not be sufficient for states to realize the more important task and mission of making a nation. An independent state of East Timor must be a state that is capable of liberating their own people from injustice, inequality and repression. It should also be able to craft a sense of national identity.

It is worthwhile to note grievances among East Timorese youngsters. A young East Timorese whom I interviewed at Saldhanna Center, a luxurious shopping mall in Lisbon, the capital of Portugal, said, "We fought against the Indonesian [military] to win our independence and identity. Now the East Timorese may have won their vote for independence. Yet, we have won neither identity nor independence. Portuguese is our national language; the dollar is our currency. Our struggle is not yet finished."

The statement may have been too sentimental, or no more than an aggregation of despair by an outcast in Lisbon. Yet, it is also an expression of the expectations for what independence should really mean. In any case, political independence is an immeasurable capital to accomplish the true liberation from servitude in tranquility.

Dr. Kusnanto Anggoro is a senior researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies and a lecturer at the postgraduate studies program of the University of Indonesia in Jakarta.