East Timor, a new nation is born

East Timor, a new nation is born

By Kusnanto Anggoro

JAKARTA (JP): An independent state of East Timor is being
born. On Aug. 30, 2001, the second anniversary of the referendum
that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia, the
East Timorese will vote in national elections for an 88-member
Constituent Assembly that will have three months to write and
adopt a constitution that will determine what type of political
system East Timor will adopt. The Fretilin political party will
very likely dominate the government.

It is still unclear as to when actual independence will occur.
East Timor will remain under the control of the United Nations
until actual independence is granted. The United Nations
Transitional Authority in East Timor (UNTAET) will appoint the
government in East Timor. Important as it may be, the
significance of the election may not be related to the
constitution, but the fact that it has also become a vehicle for
national reconciliation. A successful election would be the most
legitimate way to resolve the serious rupture in East Timorese
society.

For the time being, this appears to have been resolved. A Pact
of National Unity, signed on July 8 by 13 political parties, for
example, should guarantee that the election will be peaceful. The
atmosphere in the wake of elections appears to be positive,
despite some complaints about fundraising irregularities and
criticism leveled by rival parties. The 14-point pact may also
become an important instrument to strengthen trust building in
the post-election politics.

For sure, there are still many bumps in the road ahead to
build a democratic entity and a tolerant multi-ethnic society. In
the short-term, no one can be sure what kind of independent state
will emerge from the transition. Like many other newly
independent states, the temptation to become an authoritarian
state will be very strong. The Fretilin party, who are likely to
win the majority of election votes, have the electoral legitimacy
to dominate the new government.

However, they may still need political support from other
parties. Such an inclusionary strategy could be useful,
especially in order to share the risk in running a government.
Building a nation is more difficult than achieving independence.
In addition to tribal politics, post-colonial East Timor has been
facing other pressing problems; that is the division between
those who stayed in Timor throughout the Indonesian occupation
and those who left to live overseas; between the different groups
who fought for independence and their differing understandings of
that struggle.

The new government will encounter both pent-up expectations
and frustrations. In the last week of April this year, for
example, thousands of protesters marched before the UNTAET office
in Dili. They may have been driven by political naivete,
opportunism, or more sinister motives. Indeed, the protest was
organized by two splinter groups within the Fretilin political
party -- the Council for the Preservation of the Democratic
Republic of East Timor and the Association of Timorese Social
Democrats -- perhaps to undermine the Fretilin.

Yet they may have been voicing misgivings on the "benign
colonialism" of the UNTAET, which decrees binding laws,
negotiates treaties on East Timor's behalf, makes police arrests
from district offices throughout the country, incarcerates
suspects and even runs Timor's postal service. Many have raised
concerns that these measures may have the potential to sap the
initiative of local potential. More importantly, the protest may
reflect grievances from those who feel left behind in East
Timor's new order.

The leadership in East Timor faces massive social, political
and economic hurdles. There will be no quick fix for East Timor.
Elections, a constitution and government are necessary in the
formation of states. However, these may not be sufficient for
states to realize the more important task and mission of making a
nation. An independent state of East Timor must be a state that
is capable of liberating their own people from injustice,
inequality and repression. It should also be able to craft a
sense of national identity.

It is worthwhile to note grievances among East Timorese
youngsters. A young East Timorese whom I interviewed at Saldhanna
Center, a luxurious shopping mall in Lisbon, the capital of
Portugal, said, "We fought against the Indonesian [military] to
win our independence and identity. Now the East Timorese may have
won their vote for independence. Yet, we have won neither
identity nor independence. Portuguese is our national language;
the dollar is our currency. Our struggle is not yet finished."

The statement may have been too sentimental, or no more than
an aggregation of despair by an outcast in Lisbon. Yet, it is
also an expression of the expectations for what independence
should really mean. In any case, political independence is an
immeasurable capital to accomplish the true liberation from
servitude in tranquility.

Dr. Kusnanto Anggoro is a senior researcher at the Centre for
Strategic and International Studies and a lecturer at the
postgraduate studies program of the University of Indonesia in
Jakarta.