Doubts about TNI reform

Doubts about TNI reform

After a long wait, the promised reorganization in the ranks of
the Indonesian Military (TNI), was finally announced in what
amounts to the biggest reshuffle of personnel in years, although
the chief commander and chief-of-staff of the Army have yet to be
replaced.

This reorganization was eagerly awaited by the public because
it was widely expected to be a realization of the kind of
democratic reform that would take the military out of politics,
do away with dwifungsi (dual function) and limit the military's
role to that of national defense. That being the case, the recent
reorganization should also have been a reflection of the
military's stated commitment to comply with the public's wishes.

Now, however, concerns have arisen that this reorganization
was not what people had either longed for or expected. The
reinstatement of the Aceh regional command (Kodam) is just one
example of such a misjudgment. One other case -- and one that
stands out and raises doubts about the military's intentions --
is the appointment of Maj. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin as head of
the military center of information (Puspen TNI), replacing Rear
Marshal Graito Usodo. This is a highly important position as it
gives the officer who heads it the role of mouthpiece of the
Indonesian military.

Graito was widely considered to have been fully capable and
effective in filling that role. That is quite an achievement in
view of the fact that a spokesman's job is not merely to explain
specific actions to the public but even more, to clarify the
workings and principles of the institution he works for. This is
all the more important under present conditions.

Coming from the ranks of the Kopassus elite Army corps,
Sjafrie, attractive as he may be in appearance, brings with him
the tough conduct he is well known for. His career rose quickly,
in step with the meteoric rise that of Lt. Gen. Prabowo Subianto,
but numerous human rights abuses and violations occurred at the
time he was Jakarta's military commander. Political dissent was
dealt with harshly and ruthlessly. Political dissidents opposing
Soeharto's New Order regime disappeared without a trace, held
incommunicado for days or weeks in secret cells in appalling
conditions. Two other major cases occurred while Sjafrie was
Jakarta's military commander: The Trisakti University shooting
incident in which four students were killed and the subsequent
May 1998 riots in which more than a thousand people were reported
to have died.

At present, investigations into the human rights abuses that
occurred around that time are still under way though the military
is so far refusing to cooperate. For all those reasons there are
many, not only here at home but abroad as well, who oppose
Sjafrie's appointment to such an important post. Sjafrie is among
the top military officers whom the Commission of Inquiry into
Human Rights Violations (KPP HAM) has summoned to appear. So far,
all of them have refused.

In short, as circumstances are at present, Sjafrie is still an
officer beset by problems and a dark past that needs to be
explained. That a person with such a track record could be given
the job is astonishing to say the least. To be honest, this kind
of attitude on the part of the TNI, which should be aware of the
prevailing public sentiment, is disappointing in the extreme.

We could deduce several possibilities for this kind of
insensitivity on the part of the military. One such possibility
is, as many analysts seem to believe, that the bargaining
position of the officers' group to which Sjafrie belongs is on
the rise. There are at present a number of active officers in the
Army with no positions to hold. This is a long-standing problem
that has never been rectified.

We know that many officers in the Army still cannot reconcile
themselves with the idea of the military taking a back seat in
politics. This ambition is strongly evident in the draft anti-
terrorist law, in which the impression that the military still
want increased powers is hard to shake. Unfortunately, it also
creates the impression that its commitment to democratic reform
is no more than lip service.

In part, this is of course due to the publics' and the
police's inability to establish stability and law and order in
this country. This, however is the price we have to pay for
democratization. The one thing we hope for is that the leadership
of the TNI can understand this desire. The TNI likens its
relationship with the people to that of a fish living in the
water. It would be the greatest of ironies if that fish should
defy the water that keeps it alive.