Doubts about TNI reform

After a long wait, the promised reorganization in the ranks of the Indonesian Military (TNI), was finally announced in what amounts to the biggest reshuffle of personnel in years, although the chief commander and chief-of-staff of the Army have yet to be replaced.

This reorganization was eagerly awaited by the public because it was widely expected to be a realization of the kind of democratic reform that would take the military out of politics, do away with dwifungsi (dual function) and limit the military's role to that of national defense. That being the case, the recent reorganization should also have been a reflection of the military's stated commitment to comply with the public's wishes.

Now, however, concerns have arisen that this reorganization was not what people had either longed for or expected. The reinstatement of the Aceh regional command (Kodam) is just one example of such a misjudgment. One other case -- and one that stands out and raises doubts about the military's intentions -- is the appointment of Maj. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin as head of the military center of information (Puspen TNI), replacing Rear Marshal Graito Usodo. This is a highly important position as it gives the officer who heads it the role of mouthpiece of the Indonesian military.

Graito was widely considered to have been fully capable and effective in filling that role. That is quite an achievement in view of the fact that a spokesman's job is not merely to explain specific actions to the public but even more, to clarify the workings and principles of the institution he works for. This is all the more important under present conditions.

Coming from the ranks of the Kopassus elite Army corps, Sjafrie, attractive as he may be in appearance, brings with him the tough conduct he is well known for. His career rose quickly, in step with the meteoric rise that of Lt. Gen. Prabowo Subianto, but numerous human rights abuses and violations occurred at the time he was Jakarta's military commander. Political dissent was dealt with harshly and ruthlessly. Political dissidents opposing Soeharto's New Order regime disappeared without a trace, held incommunicado for days or weeks in secret cells in appalling conditions. Two other major cases occurred while Sjafrie was Jakarta's military commander: The Trisakti University shooting incident in which four students were killed and the subsequent May 1998 riots in which more than a thousand people were reported to have died.

At present, investigations into the human rights abuses that occurred around that time are still under way though the military is so far refusing to cooperate. For all those reasons there are many, not only here at home but abroad as well, who oppose Sjafrie's appointment to such an important post. Sjafrie is among the top military officers whom the Commission of Inquiry into Human Rights Violations (KPP HAM) has summoned to appear. So far, all of them have refused.

In short, as circumstances are at present, Sjafrie is still an officer beset by problems and a dark past that needs to be explained. That a person with such a track record could be given the job is astonishing to say the least. To be honest, this kind of attitude on the part of the TNI, which should be aware of the prevailing public sentiment, is disappointing in the extreme.

We could deduce several possibilities for this kind of insensitivity on the part of the military. One such possibility is, as many analysts seem to believe, that the bargaining position of the officers' group to which Sjafrie belongs is on the rise. There are at present a number of active officers in the Army with no positions to hold. This is a long-standing problem that has never been rectified.

We know that many officers in the Army still cannot reconcile themselves with the idea of the military taking a back seat in politics. This ambition is strongly evident in the draft anti- terrorist law, in which the impression that the military still want increased powers is hard to shake. Unfortunately, it also creates the impression that its commitment to democratic reform is no more than lip service.

In part, this is of course due to the publics' and the police's inability to establish stability and law and order in this country. This, however is the price we have to pay for democratization. The one thing we hope for is that the leadership of the TNI can understand this desire. The TNI likens its relationship with the people to that of a fish living in the water. It would be the greatest of ironies if that fish should defy the water that keeps it alive.