Do police really serve and protect the public

Emmy Fitri, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

In a scale of one to ten, the public will most likely score around four to five if they were asked whether or not they think the police are protecting them.

Taking the semblance of order and security they provide to the public aside, the police force is in fact an institution which was once invisible and too minuscule to stand among the three other forces in the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI).

In its journey to stand up to be a strong and solid force, the police institution showed through cases that it was too early to expect them to be a tool to protect and serve the public, within a country which is still in turmoil to find its way back after the 1998 political upheaval.

Within this year after police -- being split from the Indonesian Military (TNI) in 1999 -- could work mainly to secure and maintain order for the people, the public still feel unsafe and in some occasions were even hostile with the force.

Besides the growing number of crime rates, the public too became skeptic with the way the police enforce the law and as an exchange, the people took the law into their own hands which result in an increasing number of crooks being mobbed or killed by the masses.

There were reasons that could put explain these matters. The police force, one of the country's oldest institution, has not been really touched by any change. A little significant change will obviously obstruct the whole institution.

"After 55 years of its existence, the police has to stand on their own feet some two years ago, but like it or not they are still under the military shadows. For such a young institution, even a minor turnabout can result in great consequences," said Nur Athar Iskandar from the Indonesian Police Watch.

The euphoria ambience -- that it was separated from ABRI -- affects the whole work of the police force, he said, adding that it was the internal mentality which was a problem for the police.

"They could have pressed the euphoria until all things are cleared, meaning they have their own law so they will be really independent and not just a modified version of old military law," Athar claimed.

He alleged that so immature was the police force that it could not stand under the blow of unstable political situation in the country.

In a bigger picture, under the administration of former president Abdurrahman Wahid, the police melodrama began, how it has been torn apart and at the end it showed how unprepared the force was to be politically exploited by the leaders.

Under his administration, in the middle of prolonged controversy following the emergence of Bulog (State Logistic Agency) scandal that allegedly implicating his name, Abdurrahman, replaced police chief Gen. Rusdihardjo in late 2000 .

In early 2001, Rusdihardjo testified before the members of the House of Representatives that Abdurrahman was involved in the scandal.

Later on as tension between Abdurrahman and the House heightened, Abdurrahman installed Gen. Surojo Bimantoro as police chief without the usual consultation with the House members.

The controversial Bimantoro, however, was not able to do his job well because Abdurrahman dragged him further into his political struggles to maintain his power.

Bimantoro fell out of Abdurrahman's favor as the police chief was said to "have failed to handle a peaceful protest held by Nahdlatul Ulama supporters in an East Java's town, Bondowoso and has defied order to arrest top fugitive Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, the son of former president Soeharto.

Abdurrahman was a long time head of Nahdlatul Ulama, the largest Muslim socio-religious organization in the country.

Surprisingly the then president announced Bimantoro's dismissal in front of a ceremony to mark the police force 55th anniversary in July.

Commissioner Gen. Chaeruddin Ismail then was appointed as national police deputy chief -- a post that was earlier dissolved by Abdurrahman.

At the brink of his downfall, Abddurrahman installed Chaeruddin as an interim national police chief on July 21. It was an apparent attempt to turn the force into his personal tool to maintain power.

Chaeruddin's presence however, worsened the structure of the police force as officers were split between supporters of the defiant Bimantoro and Chaeruddin who is his junior. But Abdurrahman left the office eventually after public support shifted to his deputy, Megawati Soekarnoputri in a snap Extraordinary Session of the People's Consultative Assembly.

The police was left (by Abdurrahman) to remedy their own wounds afflicted by the political earthquake. How long would it be able to heal all the wounds?

Bimantoro then continued his tenure and a day before his retirement, the country's top fugitive Tommy was arrested on Nov. 28. If Bimantoro expected it to be a farewell gift or a swan song for his retirement, he was wrong because, on the contrary, the arrest stirred public skepticism over police works.

His successor Gen. Da'i Bachtiar -- who was appointed following mounting protests from various societal groups and House members -- was just a day after Tommy was arrested.

However, like it or not he was the one who held the command baton now. Officers who were credited for arresting Tommy or delivering a gift for Bimantoro were replaced, including Jakarta Police Chief Sofjan Jacoeb and his detective chief Sr. Comr. Adang Rochjana, just within a month.

Again the public was exposed to the police's internal conflicts. If the conflicts were about protecting public safety or making plans for an all out war against criminals, the public could sigh with relief.

Otherwise, the police would be too busy with themselves, deciding which top officers they would take sides.