Democracy Indian-style: What lessons are there for Indonesia?
Democracy Indian-style: What lessons are there for Indonesia?
Jemma Purdey, Mumbai, India
In the world's largest democracy corruption, vote buying and
violence are constant themes. Could this be true democracy in
action? What lessons are there for Indonesia?
In May, India completed a mammoth month-long round of
elections across this vast country. A further week of lobbying
and deal making finally saw the Congress-plus-allies coalition
take shape but only after the high drama of Sonia Gandhi forgoing
the position of prime minister in favor of respected economist
and former Finance Minister Manmohan Singh.
Democracy India-style is different in many ways to that seen
in the U.S, Australia or France. Is it an "Asian" model that
Indonesia could learn from?
India is fiercely proud of its democracy and there is no doubt
that organizing elections for a potential constituency of 670
million voters is an incredible undertaking. Indonesia could
learn much from the speed and transparency with which votes are
tallied and the extensive powers accorded to the Electoral
Commission (EC).
But this is also a nation with only 65 percent literacy, which
falls to below 50 percent in some states. Can it be said that the
masses of people, particularly in rural areas, are able to make
an informed choice at the polling booth? Is this still democracy
in action? There are disturbing trends in Indian politics that
Indonesia, as a still fledgling democracy, could learn to avoid.
The only worry is that it may already be too late.
During the election campaign and as voting got underway in
staggered stages throughout India, the election was rightly
heralded as a great "dance of democracy", with free and fair
processes observed in most places. But there was also violence
and intimidation of voters in different parts of the country.
On paper it could be argued that comparatively Indonesia has a
much better chance of making democracy work. It has only one-
fifth of India's 1.03 billion population, its literacy rate is 87
percent and on all the indicators including Gross National
Income, life expectancy and infant morality rates Indonesia ranks
higher. At the same time Indonesia is also ranked as one of the
most corrupt countries in the world.
India and Indonesia are both nations of ethnic and religious
plurality with one dominant religion (Hinduism and Islam
respectively) yet both have consistently chosen a secular
political ideology. At the same time they have both experienced
frequent violent conflicts based on religious, ethnic and
political antagonisms. Both countries have or are also currently
fighting separatist insurgencies on their perimeters.
Ironically, since the fall of the autocratic and oppressive
New Order government criminality and recourse to violence in
Indonesia between citizens in local communities and among
individuals has risen. Conflict between Christians and Muslims in
Ambon and parts of Sulawesi prompts immediate comparisons with
communal violence between Hindus and Muslims in India.
However, so far the same levels of "normalization" of this
violence, which appear to exist in India today, have not yet been
reached in Indonesia and must be avoided by enforcing laws and
opposing impunity for the perpetrators of violence.
Moreover, a key point of difference is the
institutionalization of violence and criminality within the
Indonesian armed forces, in particular the military. This
institution is responsible for many human rights atrocities
committed across the archipelago in the recent past and until
now, save for the prosecution of some low level figures, has not
been made accountable.
In political terms, the power of the military in Indonesia has
been declining, however the potential election of former military
General Wiranto threatens to reverse this trend.
Another message sent clearly by India's recent election, was
that its middle classes have no real voting clout compared to the
vast numbers of rural and urban poor. The defeat of the BJP and
its "India Shining" campaign in this election was a clear sign
that a campaign geared towards the middle class is a fruitless
one.
The defeat was a shock for many commentators, for it occurred
in spite of India's economy growing at 8 percent over the past
few years and improved relations with Pakistan. The BJP was
confident of its good record on these issues and its promise to
continue with them, but in what commentators are claiming to be a
backlash from the rural and urban poor, they lost out to Congress
and other small parties.
The widening gap between rich and poor in India and Indonesia
means that a role for the educated middle class in politics and
civil society in general, is essential in order to bridge the gap
between elitist and fundamentalist politics on the one hand, and
"mass voting" on the other.
In comparing these democratic systems, the political role of
the Indonesian middle classes who until now have been heavily
engaged in the democratic process, marks an important point of
difference.
Whilst it may be wracked by corruption and dirty politics,
India's democracy does however possess a solid tradition and
grounding in the rule of law. Victories for the common man
through the courts, although not as frequent as human rights and
anti-corruption campaigners would like, do happen.
Yet, India's rule of law, however flawed it may be, manages small
and large victories, which remain extremely rare in Indonesia
where judicial corruption is prevalent.
As Asian democracies, both with large and plural populations,
India and Indonesia have much in common. With a history of
democracy for over fifty years India's experiences rightly hold
important lessons for Indonesia. But the lessons are not all born
from positive experiences.
Indonesia would do well to look to the extent to which
violence between individuals and communities is regarded as
normal in India, and therefore the impunity with which it is
widely carried out.
With corrupt and fundamentalist politicians in power for whom
these are also political tools, it is that other institution of
democracy, the judiciary, which is India's saving grace.
Indonesia's judiciary is only beginning to mature and the rule
of law is not yet in place. If corruption and violence are "a
part of democracy" in these nations, then it is clear that
strengthening this institution could be Indonesia's only hope.
The author (jepurdey@hotmail.com) is a freelance writer.