Wed, 27 Jan 1999

Democracy, feudalism clash in South African province

By Alister Bull

RICHMOND, South Africa (Reuters): Democracy and African feudalism are uncomfortable partners in South Africa's KwaZulu- Natal province, where murders and massacres stain the lush green hills of rural villages.

More than 100 people lie buried under the long grass of Richmond's graveyards, killed in the past year's battle between rival political factions for domination of the region.

The weekend added 13 deaths to this toll as the murder of United Democratic Movement (UDM) Secretary-General Sifiso Nkabinde pushed the region to the brink of mayhem.

Each attack breeds fresh hatred and another score to settle.

Four gunmen massacred 11 people and wounded eight more in quick revenge for Nkabinde's death. After the incident three of the gunmen were arrested and one was shot dead by security forces.

The sullen silence on the dusty streets of Richmond on Monday reflected a deep fear that more blood will flow as soon as the police turn their backs.

"This is an area with a long history of deeply rooted divisions," said Chris Serfontein, chief of police in the province where tribal chiefs outrank cabinet ministers.

"There are power struggles and warlords, coupled with party politics and a people who, at the grass-roots level, do not have an understanding of the principles of democratic politics."

His men succeeded in keeping the peace on Sunday night but, with more than 800 troops and officers pumped into an area of just a few square kilometers, it was the most densely policed part of the country.

Serfontein was under no illusion that, even with so many men on patrol, he could guarantee there would not be more violence.

Nkabinde combined the traditions of the tribal autocracy that survives amongst KwaZulu-Natal's hillside homesteads of mud and thatch with Westminster democracy to garner the political power that brought him wealth and social influence.

His critics called him a warlord, accusing him of grabbing and holding power with the help of young, brutal mobs who burned, beat and killed to suppress opposition. It was a style not far removed from the harsh rule of Zulu kings in the 19th century.

His colleagues in the ruling African National Congress (ANC) and following his expulsion in April 1997 as an alleged apartheid spy, in the fledgling UDM set up to oppose the ANC, called him a political titan. His UDM colleagues hoped his influence would win the new party votes.

Richmond in particular, and KwaZulu-Natal in general, also is a land of blood feuds often reflecting ancient disputes over land and cattle.

Its rugged terrain made the town a logical area to stash the weapons used in the fighting which raged across the province during the dying days of apartheid and the first years of democratic rule, leaving more than 15,000 people dead.

The guns remain -- caches are rumored to be buried all over the countryside -- and so does the willingness to use them.

The guns are a dangerous legacy in a region where political patronage and business have for many years been hard to separate -- and police have a miserable record of prosecution.

What cannot be won by a vote can be commanded by force.

"There has been violence here since the mid-1980s. Many of the perpetrators have never been caught," said Cheryl Goodenough who watches the area for an independent monitoring group.

"The ANC/UDM dimension is one element of what is going on here, but issues of revenge also play a role," she added.

When the province enjoyed virtual self rule under the divisive white-rule policy of apartheid, membership of the ruling Inkatha Freedom Party was the essential ticket for anything from education to health care and business licensees.

Political office brought the power to dispense privileges and, with that, wealth in a society well used to the tradition of paying tributes to tribal leaders for favors received.

Now, with white rule relegated to the same history that records the early clashes between Zulu armies and British redcoats, there is a new scramble for influence, both through the ballot box and through the barrels of guns.

Regional analysts fear the violence will be fueled by elections later this year, which, in each town and village, will decide whether Nelson Mandela's ANC, Zulu Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi's Inkatha Freedom Party or Nkabinde's UDM will be the local center of power and patronage.

For the people of Richmond, the campaign for voter support could be as brutal as Nkabinde's career and his death.