Decisive action desperately needed on Malukus
Decisive action desperately needed on Malukus
By Lee Kim Chew
SINGAPORE: Desperate for help, Christians in the Malukus had
for months appealed to the Indonesian government to allow foreign
intervention to stop the sectarian conflict, but no one in
Jakarta heeded them.
Now that President Abdurrahman Wahid has changed tack and is
willing to ask for "international help in the form of equipment
and logistics", this could be a first critical step to end the
fratricidal war between Muslims and Christians in the Spice
Islands.
The immediate task must be to stop the tit-for-tat killings,
but this can happen only if the President shows political will.
An option open to him is declaring martial law in the Malukus.
Up till now, he has given hostage to fortune. He had believed,
mistakenly, that since it is a local conflict, it is best for the
two feuding communities to be left on their own to sort out their
problems.
But the situation had deteriorated in recent months because of
his half-hearted approach. The sectarian violence, which has
spiraled out of control, has turned the Malukus into a cauldron
of conflict.
It is a perfect situation for mischief-makers to undermine his
rule. The unrest in the Malukus is an extension of the
politicking in Jakarta.
Up till now, rogue elements have had virtually a free hand to
stoke religious passions and add fuel to fire because the
besieged government seems helpless.
Clearly, the worsening strife -- at last count, 4,000 dead in
the past 18 months -- suggests that President Abdurrahman has not
done enough to end the carnage.
He has changed the province's 4 military command and sent in
fresh troop reinforcement but, sadly, these have proved to be
woefully inadequate. Worse, some of the troops and police have
taken sides in the fighting.
This strengthens the case for bringing in foreign troops under
the United Nations, but this is suicidal politically for an
embattled president who has to account for his rule next month in
the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), the country's highest
legislative body. To invite UN peacekeepers into the Malukus will
internationalize what is essentially a domestic conflict. It will
be the clearest admission he has neither a resolute policy nor
the ability to end the fighting.
It is pointless to talk about Australia leading a UN force
into the Malukus, as US Defense Secretary William Cohen had
suggested.
This is not a good idea, given the bad blood between Jakarta
and Canberra over the Australian role in East Timor's
independence.
The Indonesians are still sensitive and suspicious of
Australian motives, no matter how well-intentioned.
Whatever it takes, the pressure is on President Abdurrahman to
do something and do it quickly -- with foreign logistical help.
Friendly countries could, through the UN, provide the military
hardware to help him keep the peace in the Malukus. But this is a
dangerous, double-edged sword.
Can he make sure that the guns do not fall into the wrong
hands? Unless he can, forget about sending more arms and
equipment.
President Abdurrahman had hoped initially that the Maluku
conflict would somehow peter out. It must be clear to him now
that it will not.
How could it, when the Indonesian military confessed it was
powerless to prevent the jihad (holy war) fighters from going to
the Malukus to fight for the Muslim cause?
They should have been stopped from going there in the first
place. Instead, the navy imposed a blockade to prevent the
shipment of arms to the jihad fighters. This is closing the
stable door after the horse had bolted. One of the first things
the Indonesian military has to do now is to confiscate all
weapons from the two warring communities.
The President had underestimated the impact of the Maluku
conflict grossly. More than a religious strife between Christians
and Muslims, it also has plenty to do with their longstanding
economic and political rivalries.
Jakarta leaders, consumed in their own power struggles, have
done precious little to bridge the sectarian divide. With the
casualties mounting, reconciliation will be an extremely arduous
task. The President has no choice but to find a solution to the
problem. His failure to stop the conflict has ramifications well
beyond the Malukus.
It reinforces the perception that Indonesia is adrift and fast
becoming ungovernable. The ball is now in his court to cut his
losses and act tough.
Although the President will be questioned closely in the MPR,
he is not likely to be overthrown, at least for now.
But he could emerge from it further weakened, unless he takes
decisive steps to prove that he can lead.
The writer is chief regional correspondent of The Straits
Times.
The Straits Times/Asia News Network