Decisive action desperately needed on Malukus

By Lee Kim Chew

SINGAPORE: Desperate for help, Christians in the Malukus had for months appealed to the Indonesian government to allow foreign intervention to stop the sectarian conflict, but no one in Jakarta heeded them.

Now that President Abdurrahman Wahid has changed tack and is willing to ask for "international help in the form of equipment and logistics", this could be a first critical step to end the fratricidal war between Muslims and Christians in the Spice Islands.

The immediate task must be to stop the tit-for-tat killings, but this can happen only if the President shows political will. An option open to him is declaring martial law in the Malukus.

Up till now, he has given hostage to fortune. He had believed, mistakenly, that since it is a local conflict, it is best for the two feuding communities to be left on their own to sort out their problems.

But the situation had deteriorated in recent months because of his half-hearted approach. The sectarian violence, which has spiraled out of control, has turned the Malukus into a cauldron of conflict.

It is a perfect situation for mischief-makers to undermine his rule. The unrest in the Malukus is an extension of the politicking in Jakarta.

Up till now, rogue elements have had virtually a free hand to stoke religious passions and add fuel to fire because the besieged government seems helpless.

Clearly, the worsening strife -- at last count, 4,000 dead in the past 18 months -- suggests that President Abdurrahman has not done enough to end the carnage.

He has changed the province's 4 military command and sent in fresh troop reinforcement but, sadly, these have proved to be woefully inadequate. Worse, some of the troops and police have taken sides in the fighting.

This strengthens the case for bringing in foreign troops under the United Nations, but this is suicidal politically for an embattled president who has to account for his rule next month in the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), the country's highest legislative body. To invite UN peacekeepers into the Malukus will internationalize what is essentially a domestic conflict. It will be the clearest admission he has neither a resolute policy nor the ability to end the fighting.

It is pointless to talk about Australia leading a UN force into the Malukus, as US Defense Secretary William Cohen had suggested.

This is not a good idea, given the bad blood between Jakarta and Canberra over the Australian role in East Timor's independence.

The Indonesians are still sensitive and suspicious of Australian motives, no matter how well-intentioned.

Whatever it takes, the pressure is on President Abdurrahman to do something and do it quickly -- with foreign logistical help.

Friendly countries could, through the UN, provide the military hardware to help him keep the peace in the Malukus. But this is a dangerous, double-edged sword.

Can he make sure that the guns do not fall into the wrong hands? Unless he can, forget about sending more arms and equipment.

President Abdurrahman had hoped initially that the Maluku conflict would somehow peter out. It must be clear to him now that it will not.

How could it, when the Indonesian military confessed it was powerless to prevent the jihad (holy war) fighters from going to the Malukus to fight for the Muslim cause?

They should have been stopped from going there in the first place. Instead, the navy imposed a blockade to prevent the shipment of arms to the jihad fighters. This is closing the stable door after the horse had bolted. One of the first things the Indonesian military has to do now is to confiscate all weapons from the two warring communities.

The President had underestimated the impact of the Maluku conflict grossly. More than a religious strife between Christians and Muslims, it also has plenty to do with their longstanding economic and political rivalries.

Jakarta leaders, consumed in their own power struggles, have done precious little to bridge the sectarian divide. With the casualties mounting, reconciliation will be an extremely arduous task. The President has no choice but to find a solution to the problem. His failure to stop the conflict has ramifications well beyond the Malukus.

It reinforces the perception that Indonesia is adrift and fast becoming ungovernable. The ball is now in his court to cut his losses and act tough.

Although the President will be questioned closely in the MPR, he is not likely to be overthrown, at least for now.

But he could emerge from it further weakened, unless he takes decisive steps to prove that he can lead.

The writer is chief regional correspondent of The Straits Times.

The Straits Times/Asia News Network