Crunch time for PM on corruption

The Nation Asia News Network Bangkok

Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has declared war on so many fronts that some political observers are having difficulty keeping track of them all. But the "all-out" campaign he declared against corruption has been closely monitored by his supporters and detractors alike. Many do not like what they see and it is not difficult to understand why.

Anyone with a long enough memory will recall how the prime minister promised in no uncertain terms that his government would adopt a "zero-tolerance" policy against corruption, and that all wrongdoers no matter how powerful or well-connected would be brought to justice.

After almost two years in office, the Thaksin administration has yet to deliver on its promise to reduce and eventually eradicate corruption.

Now he's demanding accusers to show "evidence", and even suggesting that the National Counter Corruption Commission (NCCC), the independent body which he had complained had too much power, must pursue cases on its own.

Every time a corruption scandal involving a Cabinet member hits his government, Prime Minister Thaksin switches into damage- control mode. This invariably means some senior permanent officials at the ministry in question will have to be moved to inactive posts, or allowed to resign from their positions pending formal investigation.

Given the public's short memory span, those officials under graft investigation can eventually be cleared of the corruption allegations or subjected to minimum disciplinary punishment -- or even reinstated.

In all major cases of corruption that have erupted since the government came to power, no Cabinet member suspected of shady dealings has been formally investigated.

Examples abound on how this government has consistently failed to take tough action against people suspected of corruption.

In the scandal involving the procurement of a computer system at the Public Relations Department, the NCCC recommended the removal of the department's director general, Veeraphol Duangsoongnern, after deciding that he had committed wrongdoing in connection with the questionable deal.

But he was later reinstated by the Civil Service Commission, supervised by the PM. In the latest twist, public prosecutors have decided to file a criminal charge against Veeraphol based on evidence provided by the anti-graft agency.

In the school milk scandal, the director general of the Livestock Department whose sister was found to be a supplier of milk, has been transferred to an inactive post at the Agriculture Ministry while a deputy governor of Nong Khai was reassigned to the Interior Ministry.

In the scandal involving extortion of job placement fees from workers seeking work overseas, the permanent secretary of the Labor Ministry was also moved to an inactive post. The same tactic applied to the scam involving the sale of the rubber stockpile to well-connected Singapore-based firms.

In the latest scandal involving the distribution of substandard compost as part of the relief operation in aid of flood victims, the chief of the Agricultural Extension Department was moved to an inactive post pending a graft probe. Witthaya Thienthong, secretary to the agriculture minister who played a key role in initiating the dubious procurement project, was given the option to resign from his post, supposedly to take responsibility for the scam.

Former agriculture minister Chucheep Harnsawat appears to be under pressure from the PM to step down from his advisory post.

But the PM must be reminded that all these actions that he has taken so far have fallen far short of public expectation. Instead of passing the buck to the NCCC, he must do his utmost to help it expose all the crooks, to pillory and punish them to the maximum. Removing scapegoats and allowing the real culprits to "retire" and spend their dirty money cannot be called a war on corruption.