Crackdown in Myanmar haunts ASEAN-10 dream

Crackdown in Myanmar haunts ASEAN-10 dream

By Rizal Sukma

JAKARTA (JP): The recent crackdown on pro-democracy movements
by the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) regime in
Myanmar will complicate ASEAN's task of realizing the ASEAN-10.

It has been widely speculated that the ASEAN-10 idea would
become a reality during the 30th ASEAN Ministerial Meeting (AMM),
scheduled to take place in Malaysia in July.

It is expected that Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar would become
full ASEAN members. Reports on SLORC's action to arrest more than
250 members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by
Aung San Suu Kyi will again bring the process under the
spotlight.

The realization of the ASEAN-10 constitutes an important
symbol for the continuation of ASEAN's "success story" as a
regional organization. In this regard, ASEAN's credibility as an
organization is able to transform itself as a vehicle for
cooperation among regional states, regardless of which political
systems will be enhanced.

But the expansion of membership will also bring about new
challenges. The main challenge facing ASEAN concerns the
association's readiness to maintain its credibility and image in
the international society due to Myanmar's membership.

The question of Myanmar's membership in ASEAN is a
controversial issue. There have been differences in opinion on
whether this country is "suitable" or not to become a member of
ASEAN. These differences can be found not only between ASEAN and
Western countries but also among ASEAN member countries
themselves. At issue here is the current situation in Myanmar's
domestic political developments, especially regarding SLORC's
attitude and policies toward the pro-democracy movement in the
country.

The West, especially the U.S. and the European Union, views
Myanmar as a pariah state which violates almost all fundamental
norms and rules held by the international society. SLORC's
rejection of the result of general elections won by the
opposition led by Aung San Suu Kyi is considered an unacceptable
action to any internationally-agreed values and norms.

The West's negative perception of Myanmar has been made worse
by accusations of a widespread violation of human rights in the
country. In the eyes of the West, the SLORC regime in Myanmar is
a regime against human rights and democracy.

For all its "sins", the West maintains Myanmar is a country
that deserves punishment through a series of economic and trade
sanctions, not to be invited to regional cooperation or involved
in the economic and political dynamism in the region. Cooperation
with SLORC is considered a denial of fundamental principles of
post-Cold War international relations, which no longer rests upon
political realism alone, but also on the responsibility of states
to observe ethics, morals, and other normative values. Therefore,
ASEAN's willingness to accept Myanmar's membership has been quite
puzzling to Western countries.

For ASEAN, a country's domestic political situation should not
be a criteria for membership. In fact, ASEAN was established in
1967 on the principle of respect to non-interference in internal
affairs of member countries. Moreover, ASEAN holds the view that
the domestic political situation in Myanmar can be improved by
involving the country in the dynamics of regional cooperation.

A confrontational approach such as imposing economic sanctions
or isolation will not resolve ASEAN's problem, because, in the
end, it is the Myanmarese who will suffer the most. ASEAN expects
that through "constructive engagement", the SLORC regime will
eventually become more open and flexible in solving its own
domestic political problems.

Even though ASEAN countries hold a common position on the
significance of Myanmar's membership, this does not mean that all
member countries agree on how to implement such a common
position. Implicitly, ASEAN acknowledges that it is difficult to
justify what is happening in Myanmar at present. For example,
Thailand and the Philippines had previously expressed their
"cautious acceptance" of, if not objection to, Myanmar's early
membership in ASEAN. The fact there would be a special meeting in
Kuala Lumpur on May 31 to discuss the issue also indicates that
there is still a problem that needs to be solved.

It is likely that ASEAN will face a delicate challenge in
maintaining its positive image as the most successful regional
organization. The question of Myanmar's membership, especially
due to international pressures, will create a dilemma for ASEAN
and place it somewhere between non-interference and the
international image.

There are two aspects of the issue that might complicate
ASEAN's position in the international stage. First, Myanmar's
membership in ASEAN will be seen by the West as a sign of the
lack of commitment to human rights and democracy among ASEAN
countries.

This will further complicate the existing differences between
ASEAN and the West over the nature and the implementation of
human rights and democracy.

Second, the inclusion of Myanmar into ASEAN will also affect
the dialog between ASEAN and the West, especially in terms of the
latter's objection to deal with the SLORC regime in official
meetings such as ASEAN-EU and ASEAN-Post Ministerial Meeting
(PMC).

Therefore, is ASEAN prepared to demonstrate that Myanmar's
membership is intended to promote change in the country? Such a
mission should become ASEAN's main agenda. If not, ASEAN will
also be seen as part of the problem, not as part of the solution,
to Myanmar's domestic political problems.

It is in this context that a greater understanding of the
SLORC regime is expected. Excessive measures taken by SLORC in
curbing the NLD's political influence in Myanmar will be
counterproductive for SLORC and bring about a new challenge to
the smooth realization of the ASEAN-10.

Such action will also complicate ASEAN's role in convincing
the international community that Southeast Asian nations have
their own ways to solve problems.

The writer is a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and
International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta.