Closing the gates?

Although an inquiry by a special committee in the House of Representatives has been completed, we have yet to hear the last word on Buloggate and Bruneigate. Most factions in the House agreed on Thursday with the committee's findings that President Abdurrahman Wahid had a role, whether directly or indirectly, in the two financial scandals.

Far from closing the book on these two "gates", which have infatuated the nation these last nine months, the House will now have to decide on the fate of Gus Dur, as the President is popularly known, based on the committee's report. The scene is now set for the next round in the seemingly interminable battle between the President and the legislature.

With both camps mobilizing their supporters on the streets, the battle is now being fought both inside and outside the House of Representatives. As in the past, the practice of using mobs to further political ends could lead to violence. But since this has become the norm in our country, there is little the rest of us can do but sit back and watch events unfold in the coming days, weeks and months. Whatever transpires in this power struggle, we pray that it will be peaceful and orderly.

The House special committee, in its final report, stated that the President was involved in the two scandals. While he may not have personally profited from the money involved in the scandals -- Rp 35 billion (US$3.7 million) from Bulog's employee foundation and a $2 million donation from the sultan of Brunei -- he allowed or had knowledge that people around him benefited from the money.

The committee also accused the President of attempting to deceive the public as part of his attempt to cover up the scandals. His refusal to cooperate with the committee's investigation and his confusing statements were held against him. The bottom line is that the scandals smack of corruption, nepotism and collusion in the presidential office.

The sums involved in the two cases may be small, but the mere suggestion of Gus Dur's involvement in the scandals, albeit indirectly, has disgraced the presidency. His attempt to mislead the public as he took part in the cover-up has not helped him either. Worse has been his apparent decision to resort to any means necessary to defend his presidency, from threatening to dissolve the House and mobilizing his supporters, to his accusation that the House is dominated by elements of the New Order regime.

Now that most political factions have accepted the special committee's report, the House has several options at its disposal. Censuring the President would be the mildest form of punishment, while impeachment through an emergency session of the People's Consultative Assembly would be the ultimate penalty.

Some people may suggest that the House should go easy on Gus Dur. After all, he could not have disgraced the presidency any worse than Soeharto did in his 32 years in power. But let us not forget that Gus Dur was elected in October 1999 on a reform ticket, mandated to restore the credibility of the office and to clean the bureaucracy and political system of the rampant corruption inherited from the past.

Many people in this country placed all of their hope in Gus Dur when he took their mandate to lead the country. It now appears the President has succumbed to the temptations of power and privileges that the office accords him. He not only has disappointed the people, but he also has abused their trust.

At this stage, it may seem too early to suggest that the writing is already on the wall. The President may still have the Constitution behind him since his mandate is good until 2004. Politically, he may even claim to enjoy the continued support of many people, certainly from his die-hard supporters in Nahdlatul Ulama. Given Indonesia's long and complex procedures for impeaching the president, Gus Dur also still has plenty of time to put up a fight against any attempt to remove him from office.

But he should bear in mind that both his constitutional and popular legitimacy have been eroded by recent events, from Buloggate and Bruneigate, to his Machiavellian tactics to defend his office. Ultimately, the question that Abdurrahman must ask himself now is whether his presidency is still morally defensible. And that seems like a question a kyai (Muslim cleric) such as himself can answer better than anyone else.