Closing the gates?

Closing the gates?

Although an inquiry by a special committee in the House of
Representatives has been completed, we have yet to hear the last
word on Buloggate and Bruneigate. Most factions in the House
agreed on Thursday with the committee's findings that President
Abdurrahman Wahid had a role, whether directly or indirectly, in
the two financial scandals.

Far from closing the book on these two "gates", which have
infatuated the nation these last nine months, the House will now
have to decide on the fate of Gus Dur, as the President is
popularly known, based on the committee's report. The scene is
now set for the next round in the seemingly interminable battle
between the President and the legislature.

With both camps mobilizing their supporters on the streets,
the battle is now being fought both inside and outside the House
of Representatives. As in the past, the practice of using mobs to
further political ends could lead to violence. But since this has
become the norm in our country, there is little the rest of us
can do but sit back and watch events unfold in the coming days,
weeks and months. Whatever transpires in this power struggle, we
pray that it will be peaceful and orderly.

The House special committee, in its final report, stated that
the President was involved in the two scandals. While he may not
have personally profited from the money involved in the scandals
-- Rp 35 billion (US$3.7 million) from Bulog's employee
foundation and a $2 million donation from the sultan of Brunei --
he allowed or had knowledge that people around him benefited from
the money.

The committee also accused the President of attempting to
deceive the public as part of his attempt to cover up the
scandals. His refusal to cooperate with the committee's
investigation and his confusing statements were held against him.
The bottom line is that the scandals smack of corruption,
nepotism and collusion in the presidential office.

The sums involved in the two cases may be small, but the mere
suggestion of Gus Dur's involvement in the scandals, albeit
indirectly, has disgraced the presidency. His attempt to mislead
the public as he took part in the cover-up has not helped him
either. Worse has been his apparent decision to resort to any
means necessary to defend his presidency, from threatening to
dissolve the House and mobilizing his supporters, to his
accusation that the House is dominated by elements of the New
Order regime.

Now that most political factions have accepted the special
committee's report, the House has several options at its
disposal. Censuring the President would be the mildest form of
punishment, while impeachment through an emergency session of the
People's Consultative Assembly would be the ultimate penalty.

Some people may suggest that the House should go easy on Gus
Dur. After all, he could not have disgraced the presidency any
worse than Soeharto did in his 32 years in power. But let us not
forget that Gus Dur was elected in October 1999 on a reform
ticket, mandated to restore the credibility of the office and to
clean the bureaucracy and political system of the rampant
corruption inherited from the past.

Many people in this country placed all of their hope in Gus
Dur when he took their mandate to lead the country. It now
appears the President has succumbed to the temptations of power
and privileges that the office accords him. He not only has
disappointed the people, but he also has abused their trust.

At this stage, it may seem too early to suggest that the
writing is already on the wall. The President may still have the
Constitution behind him since his mandate is good until 2004.
Politically, he may even claim to enjoy the continued support of
many people, certainly from his die-hard supporters in Nahdlatul
Ulama. Given Indonesia's long and complex procedures for
impeaching the president, Gus Dur also still has plenty of time
to put up a fight against any attempt to remove him from office.

But he should bear in mind that both his constitutional and
popular legitimacy have been eroded by recent events, from
Buloggate and Bruneigate, to his Machiavellian tactics to defend
his office. Ultimately, the question that Abdurrahman must ask
himself now is whether his presidency is still morally
defensible. And that seems like a question a kyai (Muslim cleric)
such as himself can answer better than anyone else.