Clear action needed to stop Maluku violence

Only clear action by the government and the military can end the violence in Maluku, triggered by a public transport-related tiff on Jan. 19, 1999, says Azyumardi Azra, rector of the Syarif Hidayatullah Islamic State Institute in Jakarta. The following is an excerpt of an interview with The Jakarta Post:

Question: More and more people, attracted to calls for a holy war, have ignored explanations that the conflict in Maluku is not really one of religion, that it was originally a competition for space, that a holy war is not merely revenge. Why is this?

Answer: Explanations now are of little use. The key is fast and decisive action by the government and the Indonesian Military (TNI). Gus Dur (President Abdurrahman Wahid) should handle the problem more firmly and with a clear conceptual framework. Instead, he has engaged in counterproductive acts such as stating there were only six victims in Halmahera, that the gathering at the National Monument (in Jakarta) was an attempt to topple him.

He should focus on internal consolidation, within his Cabinet and with ... the People's Consultative Assembly and the House of Representatives to enable cooperation to seek a solution.

Q: But there are teams working with the government on Maluku...

A: I am on one of those teams, along with (senior sociologist) Selo Soemardjan and others. But we face red tape in forwarding recommendations to the government, for instance people around Vice President Megawati Soekarnoputri (who has been assigned by the President to handle Ambon) have not been quite appreciative of the urgency of the matter. Recommendations are further discussed with the people she trusts.

The earlier fact-finding team sent to Maluku was from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) which was rejected by the "white group" (local Muslims). An independent team was sought but things are still going slow ...

The other urgent step is that TNI should step up its raid on weapons. What it is doing in Ambon now is good but looks halfhearted; raids are only conducted on the streets of Ambon instead of a house-to-house search. Outside Ambon, homemade weapons are still being made and stockpiled.

Q: Has your team identified any provocateurs?

A: No, but there has been a lot of information from locals ... What is clear is the accumulation of political, economic and religious tension.

Gus Dur must issue a firm political statement which can provide a guarantee (of government action) to Muslims outside Ambon. Without this, radicalization, such as that among Muslims, will increase. The statement should include a clear time frame of measures ... if not I fear a circle of violence in areas where Muslims and Christians are of similar proportions, such as in Central Kalimantan and North Sulawesi. Both sides feel they are engaged in a holy war ...

We hope Muslim leaders will calm the young people and appeal to them to give the government a chance. A jihad ... can also be the collection of funds for much needed food and medicine.

I suggest that Gus Dur gather leaders of various religions and appear on national television to appeal for calm. The situation now is difficult to predict. A military approach is clearly far from enough, look at Lombok (Monday's attack on churches); the security personnel were outnumbered by mobs.

Q: Is there a lesson in all of this?

A: The economic and political development of an area must consider people's diverse backgrounds. If not, once there is a shift in the balance of power, ethnic and religious sentiments flare ... This highly expensive lesson tells us that such conflicts cannot be settled by the people themselves. Gus Dur must abandon this approach, particularly when TNI is on the defensive; people now tend to take the law into their own hands. The government must consolidate itself to enable law enforcement.

Q: What would be the lesson regarding interreligious relations?

A: We have experienced a setback, not only regarding interfaith relations but also among different ethnic groups. The migrants in Maluku from Buton, Bugis and Makassar are Muslims while natives are largely non-Muslims. The conflict coincided with the economic and political crisis and a crisis of TNI's authority. Despite many meetings among religious leaders, there has not been any frank, bold dialog about the real emotional issues among respective followers.

This has been going on since the New Order and its taboos of discussing ethnic, racial and religious differences; there has been largely only cordial talk among religious leaders.

In the context of Maluku, Muslims suspect Christians are engaged in active Christianization in many places. Muslims feel that since the time of Dicky (Wattimena), the ex-mayor of Ambon, Christians have tried to undermine Muslim influence in Ambon and Maluku. Muslims believe the commemoration of the birth of Ambon was arranged to fall on the same day as the birth of Protestantism in Maluku.

Meanwhile, Christians are angered that since the time of the previous two governors, they say, some 48 local positions formerly held by Christians were handed to Muslims. With the arrival of migrants they felt Islamization -- economic and political domination by Muslims in Maluku.

Q: So what have the religious leaders been talking about?

A: They agree that there have been provocateurs from outside Maluku, that the local tradition of pela gandong (regular gathering of different groups) has been ruined. But we must put everything on the table ... even if sensitive issues are not nice to hear. Mutual mistrust will not instantly go away but goodwill and bold talks will at least lead to clarifications, or suspicions on both sides could increase. (anr)