Clear action needed to stop Maluku violence

Clear action needed to stop Maluku violence

Only clear action by the government and the military can end
the violence in Maluku, triggered by a public transport-related
tiff on Jan. 19, 1999, says Azyumardi Azra, rector of the Syarif
Hidayatullah Islamic State Institute in Jakarta. The following is
an excerpt of an interview with The Jakarta Post:

Question: More and more people, attracted to calls for a holy
war, have ignored explanations that the conflict in Maluku is not
really one of religion, that it was originally a competition for
space, that a holy war is not merely revenge. Why is this?

Answer: Explanations now are of little use. The key is fast
and decisive action by the government and the Indonesian Military
(TNI). Gus Dur (President Abdurrahman Wahid) should handle the
problem more firmly and with a clear conceptual framework.
Instead, he has engaged in counterproductive acts such as stating
there were only six victims in Halmahera, that the gathering at
the National Monument (in Jakarta) was an attempt to topple him.

He should focus on internal consolidation, within his Cabinet
and with ... the People's Consultative Assembly and the House of
Representatives to enable cooperation to seek a solution.

Q: But there are teams working with the government on Maluku...

A: I am on one of those teams, along with (senior sociologist)
Selo Soemardjan and others. But we face red tape in forwarding
recommendations to the government, for instance people around
Vice President Megawati Soekarnoputri (who has been assigned by
the President to handle Ambon) have not been quite appreciative
of the urgency of the matter. Recommendations are further
discussed with the people she trusts.

The earlier fact-finding team sent to Maluku was from the
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) which
was rejected by the "white group" (local Muslims). An independent
team was sought but things are still going slow ...

The other urgent step is that TNI should step up its raid on
weapons. What it is doing in Ambon now is good but looks
halfhearted; raids are only conducted on the streets of Ambon
instead of a house-to-house search. Outside Ambon, homemade
weapons are still being made and stockpiled.

Q: Has your team identified any provocateurs?

A: No, but there has been a lot of information from locals ...
What is clear is the accumulation of political, economic and
religious tension.

Gus Dur must issue a firm political statement which can
provide a guarantee (of government action) to Muslims outside
Ambon. Without this, radicalization, such as that among Muslims,
will increase. The statement should include a clear time frame of
measures ... if not I fear a circle of violence in areas where
Muslims and Christians are of similar proportions, such as in
Central Kalimantan and North Sulawesi. Both sides feel they are
engaged in a holy war ...

We hope Muslim leaders will calm the young people and appeal
to them to give the government a chance. A jihad ... can also be
the collection of funds for much needed food and medicine.

I suggest that Gus Dur gather leaders of various religions and
appear on national television to appeal for calm. The situation
now is difficult to predict. A military approach is clearly far
from enough, look at Lombok (Monday's attack on churches); the
security personnel were outnumbered by mobs.

Q: Is there a lesson in all of this?

A: The economic and political development of an area must
consider people's diverse backgrounds. If not, once there is a
shift in the balance of power, ethnic and religious sentiments
flare ... This highly expensive lesson tells us that such
conflicts cannot be settled by the people themselves. Gus Dur
must abandon this approach, particularly when TNI is on the
defensive; people now tend to take the law into their own hands.
The government must consolidate itself to enable law enforcement.

Q: What would be the lesson regarding interreligious relations?

A: We have experienced a setback, not only regarding interfaith
relations but also among different ethnic groups. The migrants in
Maluku from Buton, Bugis and Makassar are Muslims while natives
are largely non-Muslims. The conflict coincided with the economic
and political crisis and a crisis of TNI's authority. Despite
many meetings among religious leaders, there has not been any
frank, bold dialog about the real emotional issues among
respective followers.

This has been going on since the New Order and its taboos of
discussing ethnic, racial and religious differences; there has
been largely only cordial talk among religious leaders.

In the context of Maluku, Muslims suspect Christians are
engaged in active Christianization in many places. Muslims feel
that since the time of Dicky (Wattimena), the ex-mayor of Ambon,
Christians have tried to undermine Muslim influence in Ambon and
Maluku. Muslims believe the commemoration of the birth of Ambon
was arranged to fall on the same day as the birth of
Protestantism in Maluku.

Meanwhile, Christians are angered that since the time of the
previous two governors, they say, some 48 local positions
formerly held by Christians were handed to Muslims. With the
arrival of migrants they felt Islamization -- economic and
political domination by Muslims in Maluku.

Q: So what have the religious leaders been talking about?

A: They agree that there have been provocateurs from outside
Maluku, that the local tradition of pela gandong (regular
gathering of different groups) has been ruined. But we must put
everything on the table ... even if sensitive issues are not nice
to hear. Mutual mistrust will not instantly go away but goodwill
and bold talks will at least lead to clarifications, or
suspicions on both sides could increase. (anr)