Class struggle may supersede racial conflict

Class struggle may supersede racial conflict

Political and economic reform has reached a stalemate. Lawyer
Todung Mulya Lubis examines its likely impact on social
development.

JAKARTA (JP): Why should we call the Habibie administration a
New Order II regime? The answer is because this government is
just a continuation of the previous one, which can be labeled as
the New Order I administration.

President B.J. Habibie is not only implementing a system of
government and using political machines similar to those used by
Soeharto, he is also employing the personnel involved in the old
regime. The philosophy and spirit of the two governments are also
alike.

It is very difficult to look for distinctions to conclude that
the current administration is a new regime. The only thing
missing in the New Order II government is Soeharto.

The ascent of Habibie to power is not comparable with that of
Corazon Aquino as Philippine president. The explosive euphoria
following Soeharto's resignation quickly ebbed and many people
suddenly realized that no significant change had occurred.

The reform movement only removed the tip of the "iceberg" but
its body remained. The tip has now resurfaced and its shape is
exactly the same as the previous tip.

Skepticism among Indonesians is understandable because they
cannot accept the involvement of old personnel in the new regime.

Hosni Mubarak was initially welcomed cynically when he became
Egyptian president following the assassination of Anwar Sadat,
because the former was regarded as visionary. Mubarak proved
himself as a new president capable of leading his country to
further advancement even though his personnel were the same as
those employed by Sadat.

People's reluctance to accept the New Order II government is
apparently caused by its lack of transparency and commitment to
reform. Habibie's first state address after he took power on May
21 did not reflect his commitment to total reform or include a
clear agenda for the complete change demanded by the people.

The new government has freed political prisoners, lifted a
ministerial decree on the revocation of news organizations'
licenses and promised special autonomous status for East Timor.
It ratified the ILO's Convention on Freedom of Association for
Workers and launched an agenda for the protection of human
rights.

But whoever replaced Soeharto would have done the same if he
did not want to be likened to the former autocrat. Such actions
were a conditio sine qua non. Credits should go to the people,
who have struggled for their rights for such a long time.

With the worsening economy, every party must behave
realistically and be ready to sacrifice. But, the people are very
eager to see the government implement concrete reform policies.
Such policies should include the following:

* The release of political prisoners must be conducted without
discrimination. The government's fear of the emergence of
communism is no longer realistic because the ideology has lost
its legitimacy, both domestically and internationally.

* The government must launch a comprehensive agenda for the
protection of human rights. It must ratify the Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights as well as the Optional Protocol. Why will
the government ratify only the Covenant on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights, and the Convention Against Torture, Cruel,
Inhuman and Degrading Treatment and Punishment?

* The government must take concrete action against those involved
in corrupt, collusive and nepotistic practices.

* The general election should be accelerated from the government-set
schedule of mid-1999. The government can do this by issuing a
regulation in lieu of law as its legal basis.

* The government must establish an independent fact-finding team
to investigate those involved in recent massive riots, sexual
harassment, arson and abductions of political activists. The slow
pace of the investigation indicates the government's reluctance
to protect human rights.

The list, which could easily be extended, shows that the
government has not introduced a clear agenda for reform. It is,
therefore, understandable if the current regime is regarded as
having no sense of crisis, considering how the worsening economy
is affecting the people.

It is difficult to imagine what might happen in the coming
months, when the number of unemployed poor people increases.

Will there be a social explosion?

The massive robberies at shrimp ponds, coffee plantations,
teak forests and groceries reflects people's poverty, anger and
impatience.

It also reflects the inability of the security authorities and
the law enforcers to face up to the crippling economy. The
robberies may also lead to a motion of no confidence in the
government or to angry protests by the poor against the rich, a
class -- not racial -- struggle.