Citizens grade Gus Dur on anniversary of presidency

Today marks the first anniversary of Abdurrahman Wahid's presidency. Elected on Oct. 20, 1999 amid a growing division among people -- especially between supporters of B.J. Habibie and those of Megawati Soekarnoputri -- Abdurrahman, or Gus Dur, was the escape hatch. He was, for many, "the lesser" of several evils. Does this view still hold now? The Jakarta Post recently asked a number of people to "grade" Gus Dur's performance over the past year.

Sita Aripurnami Kayam, program coordinator of service for survivors at the National Commission on Human Rights for Women:

I am rating him a six for his attention to women issues.

In his one year as president, he has not taken any concrete actions to protect women's rights. He does not directly give voice to this cause, but he is somewhat better than his predecessors.

His choice of state minister for the empowerment of women, Khofifah Indar Parawansa, testifies to this improvement. Even the change in the name of the office is an improvement; it used to be office of state minister for women's roles.

Khofifah is quite good, she supports those who work to help women victims of violence, she launches policies that fight violence against women. If she does all this through discussion with the President, then that means the President is all right in this matter. But I wouldn't know if it turns out that Khofifah thinks about all these herself.

We can also see that the President's wife has concerns about women's issues. She recently established the Puan Amal Hayati, a group that works to empower women victims of violence through pesantren (Islamic boarding school).

It seems to me, then, that he is very supportive of the women's cause. Although I don't know how he is as an individual, certainly his wife and subordinates do care about the rights of women. That's why I am giving him a six.

He sometimes is patronizing of women, and makes stupid remarks such as that quip about Megawati taking too much time in the bath. But he is rather good in things that matter. I remember when, in a meeting of the INFID (forum of non government organizations) in Japan in 1993, I tried to present a paper on the sex industry, I tried to tell the forum how marginalization of women by industry often forced them to become sex workers. Many people opposed my presenting the paper. Then Gus Dur spoke up and defended my topic. Because of his support, I got to present the paper.

I see him as an accessible person, we can talk to him about serious matters. The fact that his wife can be very outspoken on some issues such as Presidential Decree No. 10 (on polygamy) means he is quite a democratic person.

He does have a sharp tongue, sometimes, but he can also be very open.

I am optimistic that if he stays in office for the rest of the five year period, his government will pay attention to women's causes. Unlike his predecessors, he does not mind being rebuked or criticized. He is not repressive or bureaucratic.

Longgena Ginting of the Indonesian Environmental Forum (Walhi):

I am failing him for his lack of attention to environmental issues. In general, environmental protection has yet to be given a priority. His mark is poor in this issue.

An example of this poor attention would be the persistent problem of illegal logging -- we know this continues because of high demand by the industry. The government is busy raiding illegal loggers but fails to attend to the roots of the problem. Another example is forest fires which continue because of the politics of natural forest conversion.

The administration of Gus Dur has encouraged political changes but in reality not much has changed. In the forestry sector, for example, Indonesia made a commitment to some changes during the Consultative Group on Indonesia (CGI) meeting last year, but this commitment has yet to be kept. Illegal felling continues, forest exploitation goes on. No meaningful change out there.

In fact, we have reached a critical point, a very worrying setback. With the introduction of the new regional autonomy law, a regent will be able to issue concessions for areas less than 100 hectares. The law has yet to go into effect but we understand that the regent of Kutai in East Kalimantan has issued at least 200 licenses.

This law gives regents carte blanche, especially because of the poor legislative control in the regions.

We are suggesting that Gus Dur impose a two-year moratorium on logging in order to downsize the industry, to give time for our forests to recover. We are calling for a one year moratorium on mining because mining activities have now exceeded sustainability.

I understand that many parties will resist this call, but do we want to commit national suicide? By holding this moratorium, we will lose US$ 3 billion in income each year, but will save the country US$ 8.5 billion from illegal logging.

Edy Suandi Hamid, an economist at the Yogyakarta-based Indonesian Islamic University:

If I'm a professor evaluating Gus Dur's economic performance I will certainly say that he fails. Why? If we look at the existing recovery indicators, they show that his economic performance is not good.

Just look at the value of the rupiah. So far we don't see any significant progress in it. It's even getting worse and worse. This proves that he cannot create the infrastructure needed for economic recovery, which not only deals with economic variables but also with non-economic variables such as creating a good climate for foreign investment.

Foreign investment will come only if political stability, security, and certainty of the law are present. Yet, as we all see, he has not created any of these variables. As a result, foreign investors are reluctant to invest here. It's true that we currently have an economic development of three percent, but it's not because of a movement toward economic recovery. It's because of consumer demand. And this will not last.

There are other variables indicating some progress, such as export improvement and a decline in inflation. Yet, unless there is a certainty of the rupiah's value, these two variables could drop again anytime. The drop in the rupiah's value would lead to the drop of other economic variables.

Bambang Cipto, a political observer of Yogyakarta Muhammadiyah University:

Gus Dur's government is in a process of falling into pieces. It's therefore difficult for us to hope for more from it. Unless there is a political miracle that can convince observers and politicians that Gus Dur is capable of mending the condition, we can hope for nothing.

Gus Dur is losing legitimacy in the House of Representatives. Yet, instead of mending the worsening relations with the House to get back the legitimacy, he seeks another legitimacy from abroad, especially from third world countries. It won't help at all. It's just an empty symbolic legitimacy.

Moreover, the Indonesian Military (TNI) is showing a clearer attitude towards Gus Dur's government by keeping a distance from it and showing resistance to it. The arrest of Suwondo (Gus Dur's masseur implicated in the Rp 35 billion scandal known as the Buloggate) indicates that Gus Dur is losing his legitimacy from among TNI/Police members. It serves as a kind of warning for Gus Dur not to interfere too deep in TNI's internal affairs.

In other words, if I were a professor grading his performance, I would say he fails.

In this case, if he really wants to mend the condition, he has to be honest about his current legitimacy, especially from the House. Therefore, in order to get it back, he has to satisfy the House by fulfilling what the House wants. Domestic legitimacy is the strongest legitimacy.

Things would be different if he could show that he was capable of handling the threat of disintegration in Aceh and Irian Jaya. If that were the case, a balancing act with the House would emerge. But, this surely needs powerful political resources, which I believe, Gus Dur does not have.

Amien Rais, chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly:

If we wish to speak for the good of us all, and if you ask me what Gus Dur's grade is during the year he is governing the country, I would say he fails most subjects," Amien said as quoted recently by Antara.

"I am evaluating him on his administration's performance in economic and security affairs. Our security is becoming even worse, the horizontal conflicts involving different ethnic groups, religions and other groups are increasing.

In the economic field, the crisis is continuing. When Gus Dur assumed the presidency, the rupiah was 7,300 to the US dollar, it is now almost 9,000.

I am also concerned about the threat of disintegration, something which is very dangerous and is becoming more apparent in Aceh and Irian Jaya.

I am calling on all components of the nation to review whether all of the policies of Gus Dur up to now are on the right track. If his administration is considered good, then it should be supported; if his government is messy, then (people) should take a stance against it.

We must ask our own conscience, if it says Gus Dur's administration is messy, we really have to take a stance. If it is good, then we can go on.

Personally, I think that much is lacking with his administration, but I am hoping that I am wrong in this case.

Dewi Fortuna Anwar, a political observer with the Habibie Center, on Abdurrahman Wahid's frequent overseas trips and their effectiveness to gain support for domestic purposes:

"Gus Dur's political communication is quite good, but if the domestic institution is not strong then all those overseas trips will not bear fruit, especially in term of economic recovery," Dewi said in Surabaya as quoted by Antara recently.

"Because there's no security in the country, no follow-up from those overseas trips can materialize.

"Under the New Order, Soeharto's domestic institutions were strong so his policies were applied smoothly. Now, there is no such institutionalization, so Gus Dur formulates his own foreign policies -- namely to help curb separatism, to increase efforts for economic recovery, and to build democratization.

"But those policies are not effective because he fails to visit relevant countries; rather he makes visits indiscriminately. For instance, after winning several agreements in Washington, Gus Dur went to Cuba. So of course those agreements became nothing because the US does not see eye to eye with Cuba.

In addition, Gus Dur's remarks abroad are often seen as official statements of the government of Indonesia. But, because within the country the institutions are not supportive of those statements, the (international world's) confidence declines.

Mochtar Mas'oed, a political scientist at the Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta:

Gus Dur's overseas trips in the earlier stage of his presidency were something that we could understand; they were needed to convince the international world of the presence of a new leader with a new vision," Mochtar said as quoted by Antara.

"But now we can't say, because we can't understand what his agenda is in making those trips, because he himself does not explain it to the public. His policies then get only partial responses from the public.

Really, if Gus Dur wants to have his overseas trips to have influence over domestic policies, he should tell the public about his agenda.

Ita Herawati, a 24-year-old fruits vendor in Jl. Godean, Yogyakarta:

I haven't seen any significant progress in Gus Dur's administration so far. The economic condition is just as bad as when the economic crisis first hit the country. The political condition is just the same. I am afraid that if nothing is done about it, the state will go bankrupt.

What concerns me the most is the way Gus Dur easily chooses someone and dismisses another from his cabinet. I don't see it as a wise thing. He seems to easily accept other's suggestions in doing so. He should make up his mind and choose the right persons for the right positions. That way would avoid hiring too many persons from his own circles.

Kus Indarwati, 47, a housewife in Pakuncen village, Yogyakarta:

Gus Dur, as far as I have noticed, has not yet led his administration well. The fact that he fired numerous government officials whom he himself chose proves this. As a result, the country's security condition is uncontrollable. I don't know whether it is related, but every time he dismissed officials there was always a bombing incident. None probed thoroughly.

Such a government is indeed a messy one. He runs the state any way he wants. He should consult other people before hiring or firing government officials. I am afraid that if nothing is done about it, violence will break out everywhere. And it's always us, the small people, who suffer the most. This country could just fall apart.

Regarding staple food prices, they have risen, but they are still affordable. Yet, once the price increases are uncontrolled, I'm afraid we will no longer be able to buy them. The point is, Gus Dur has to mend his ways. If he cannot do so, someone else better replace him.

Charles Himawan, a legal expert at the University of Indonesia and member of the National Commission on Human Rights:

Let's not grade him, I don't feel comfortable with that. But it seems to me that Gus Dur is not yet convinced about how important law enforcement is.

It is true that if we speak about law enforcement, we're in for a long discussion, because it concerns (many people) from the police, the prosecutors, the court ... But there are three stages (of improvement) that can be undertaken: immediate, middle-term and long-term. Really, in the immediate term, Gus Dur should have strengthened our judiciary.

Remember how Gus Dur once said he was looking for "clean" judges (in a bid to ensure clean court proceedings)? Well, this is my suggestion (for an immediate solution in Jakarta). Place three judges in the district court: one career judge who has the technical knowledge to act as presiding judge, and two noncareer judges to make up the team. Employ such a team for cases with direct economic impact such as Bank Bali scam or Buloggate. Do the same with the high court.

I don't think it would be that difficult to find six clean and good judges. I would also suggest that the judges be allowed to have dissenting opinions when preparing for a verdict. Whichever judge has a different opinion from the other two should be given the opportunity to express his opinion.

In order to facilitate such a proceeding, the government must cooperate with the House of Representatives by preparing the relevant laws rather than, time and again, resorting to (ad hoc) decrees. Just add one clause in the law on judicial institutions (to cover the suggested change). For example, within these one or two years, establish provisions that allow the teaming up of one career judge with two noncareer judges.

But cooperation between the government and the legislators is imperative. Otherwise, this won't work. Just look at what happens at the commercial court.

The middle-term stages would be implementing such change in other cities and regions. The long-term would a review of a number of laws, including the law on judicial institution.

Slamet Rahardjo, noted director and former actor:

Gus Dur has paid scant attention to the film industry. (But) in some cases, he visited some artists when they were ill. This shows, at least, that he does care about film industry, and we, the people in the industry, feel that he gives us hope.

But there is no real action. We need some sort of new institution or board to empower the national film industry.

Gus Dur and also (Vice President) Megawati have indicated that they are willing to support the establishment of such a board, but we are still waiting for them to follow up (on this). The government is expected to financially support this independent board, but the financial support would gradually be reduced. That's why it would be called "an empowerment board" for the film industry.

We are promoting the notion of a draft bill on film to be introduced along with the Broadcast Law, but (for that) we would need government support.

Arist Merdeka Sirait, executive director of the National Commission for Child Protection (Komnas PA):

(Abdurrahman Wahid's) government has not paid serious attention to efforts to improve children's welfare.

I don't think Gus Dur is sensitive to the issue of children and their education and health. So far he and the other members of the political elite are busy with their own political interests. They enjoy showing "political violence" and let children watch them.

We can see that children face even more serious problems. The budget for education, for instance, is only 1.4 percent of the gross national product. The figure is much lower than that of Bangladesh (2.6 percent), which we presume to be socially and politically worse off than Indonesia.

There are presently some seven million to 9.1 million children who cannot pursue an education. This is due to this misled concept that we hold, that education is compulsory. We have to change this. Education is the right of children. The government therefore must provide adequate facilities and a proper budget.

Pratikno, a military and political observer at Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta:

Gus Dur has succeeded in luring the military away from practical, daily politics without creating too much of an uproar in the process. This is a commendable achievement.

The recent changes such as the replacement of officials in the Indonesian Military (TNI) and National Police (Polri) also indicate that Gus Dur is able to control the military and police effectively. The changes also indicate that he is able to establish a new political culture where the civilians hold supremacy over the military. This certainly is important and should be appreciated.

But all these new changes will remain effective only if Gus Dur is also able to provide space for the military to be more professional. This of course requires large funds so that military activities do not resort to nonbudgetary funds.

Certainly this poses a dilemma for Gus Dur, because the state is currently short of money (while having to face another difficult option of) taking over the military's businesses. But (taking over the military's businesses) is the only way.

The (legal provisions) on nonbudgetary funds must be clarified, and this does not only concern military businesses but also other parties' businesses. This is important to eradicate the traditions of corruption, double-salaries and double-funding.

If the military is allowed to continue to control economic activities, I am really concerned that this might harm their professionalism in the future. It will also make it even more difficult for civilian politicians to hold military personnel accountable.

I Nyoman Moena, senior banker:

I have not seen much progress in the economic sector (after Abdurrahman Wahid's first year in the presidency). In fact, a lot of setbacks have taken place.

Inflation this year is now estimated to be more than the 7 percent initial target.

The rupiah's exchange rate is currently at about Rp 8,800 per U.S. dollar which is also far beyond the target level of Rp 7,500.

In terms of economic growth, consumption has played a major role instead of investment. This is not a genuine growth.

So judging by the economic indicators, there have been a lot of setbacks during the administration of Gus Dur.

Gus Dur's administration lacks seriousness in dealing with the country's economic problems. The administration is too much focused on the political field when in fact economic problems here deserve top priority from the President (team).