Citizens grade Gus Dur on anniversary of presidency

Citizens grade Gus Dur on anniversary of presidency

Today marks the first anniversary of Abdurrahman Wahid's
presidency. Elected on Oct. 20, 1999 amid a growing division
among people -- especially between supporters of B.J. Habibie and
those of Megawati Soekarnoputri -- Abdurrahman, or Gus Dur, was
the escape hatch. He was, for many, "the lesser" of several
evils. Does this view still hold now? The Jakarta Post recently
asked a number of people to "grade" Gus Dur's performance over
the past year.

Sita Aripurnami Kayam, program coordinator of service for
survivors at the National Commission on Human Rights for Women:

I am rating him a six for his attention to women issues.

In his one year as president, he has not taken any concrete
actions to protect women's rights. He does not directly give
voice to this cause, but he is somewhat better than his
predecessors.

His choice of state minister for the empowerment of women,
Khofifah Indar Parawansa, testifies to this improvement. Even the
change in the name of the office is an improvement; it used to be
office of state minister for women's roles.

Khofifah is quite good, she supports those who work to help
women victims of violence, she launches policies that fight
violence against women. If she does all this through discussion
with the President, then that means the President is all right in
this matter. But I wouldn't know if it turns out that Khofifah
thinks about all these herself.

We can also see that the President's wife has concerns about
women's issues. She recently established the Puan Amal Hayati, a
group that works to empower women victims of violence through
pesantren (Islamic boarding school).

It seems to me, then, that he is very supportive of the
women's cause. Although I don't know how he is as an individual,
certainly his wife and subordinates do care about the rights of
women. That's why I am giving him a six.

He sometimes is patronizing of women, and makes stupid remarks
such as that quip about Megawati taking too much time in the
bath. But he is rather good in things that matter. I remember
when, in a meeting of the INFID (forum of non government
organizations) in Japan in 1993, I tried to present a paper on
the sex industry, I tried to tell the forum how marginalization
of women by industry often forced them to become sex workers.
Many people opposed my presenting the paper. Then Gus Dur spoke
up and defended my topic. Because of his support, I got to
present the paper.

I see him as an accessible person, we can talk to him about
serious matters. The fact that his wife can be very outspoken on
some issues such as Presidential Decree No. 10 (on polygamy)
means he is quite a democratic person.

He does have a sharp tongue, sometimes, but he can also be
very open.

I am optimistic that if he stays in office for the rest of the
five year period, his government will pay attention to women's
causes. Unlike his predecessors, he does not mind being rebuked
or criticized. He is not repressive or bureaucratic.

Longgena Ginting of the Indonesian Environmental Forum
(Walhi):

I am failing him for his lack of attention to environmental
issues. In general, environmental protection has yet to be given
a priority. His mark is poor in this issue.

An example of this poor attention would be the persistent
problem of illegal logging -- we know this continues because of
high demand by the industry. The government is busy raiding
illegal loggers but fails to attend to the roots of the problem.
Another example is forest fires which continue because of the
politics of natural forest conversion.

The administration of Gus Dur has encouraged political changes
but in reality not much has changed. In the forestry sector, for
example, Indonesia made a commitment to some changes during the
Consultative Group on Indonesia (CGI) meeting last year, but this
commitment has yet to be kept. Illegal felling continues, forest
exploitation goes on. No meaningful change out there.

In fact, we have reached a critical point, a very worrying
setback. With the introduction of the new regional autonomy law,
a regent will be able to issue concessions for areas less than
100 hectares. The law has yet to go into effect but we understand
that the regent of Kutai in East Kalimantan has issued at least
200 licenses.

This law gives regents carte blanche, especially because of
the poor legislative control in the regions.

We are suggesting that Gus Dur impose a two-year moratorium on
logging in order to downsize the industry, to give time for our
forests to recover. We are calling for a one year moratorium on
mining because mining activities have now exceeded
sustainability.

I understand that many parties will resist this call, but do
we want to commit national suicide? By holding this moratorium,
we will lose US$ 3 billion in income each year, but will save the
country US$ 8.5 billion from illegal logging.

Edy Suandi Hamid, an economist at the Yogyakarta-based
Indonesian Islamic University:

If I'm a professor evaluating Gus Dur's economic performance I
will certainly say that he fails. Why? If we look at the existing
recovery indicators, they show that his economic performance is
not good.

Just look at the value of the rupiah. So far we don't see any
significant progress in it. It's even getting worse and worse.
This proves that he cannot create the infrastructure needed for
economic recovery, which not only deals with economic variables
but also with non-economic variables such as creating a good
climate for foreign investment.

Foreign investment will come only if political stability,
security, and certainty of the law are present. Yet, as we all
see, he has not created any of these variables. As a result,
foreign investors are reluctant to invest here. It's true that we
currently have an economic development of three percent, but it's
not because of a movement toward economic recovery. It's because
of consumer demand. And this will not last.

There are other variables indicating some progress, such as
export improvement and a decline in inflation. Yet, unless there
is a certainty of the rupiah's value, these two variables could
drop again anytime. The drop in the rupiah's value would lead to
the drop of other economic variables.

Bambang Cipto, a political observer of Yogyakarta Muhammadiyah
University:

Gus Dur's government is in a process of falling into pieces.
It's therefore difficult for us to hope for more from it. Unless
there is a political miracle that can convince observers and
politicians that Gus Dur is capable of mending the condition, we
can hope for nothing.

Gus Dur is losing legitimacy in the House of Representatives.
Yet, instead of mending the worsening relations with the House to
get back the legitimacy, he seeks another legitimacy from abroad,
especially from third world countries. It won't help at all. It's
just an empty symbolic legitimacy.

Moreover, the Indonesian Military (TNI) is showing a clearer
attitude towards Gus Dur's government by keeping a distance from
it and showing resistance to it. The arrest of Suwondo (Gus Dur's
masseur implicated in the Rp 35 billion scandal known as the
Buloggate) indicates that Gus Dur is losing his legitimacy from
among TNI/Police members. It serves as a kind of warning for Gus
Dur not to interfere too deep in TNI's internal affairs.

In other words, if I were a professor grading his performance,
I would say he fails.

In this case, if he really wants to mend the condition, he has
to be honest about his current legitimacy, especially from the
House. Therefore, in order to get it back, he has to satisfy the
House by fulfilling what the House wants. Domestic legitimacy is
the strongest legitimacy.

Things would be different if he could show that he was capable
of handling the threat of disintegration in Aceh and Irian Jaya.
If that were the case, a balancing act with the House would
emerge. But, this surely needs powerful political resources,
which I believe, Gus Dur does not have.

Amien Rais, chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly:

If we wish to speak for the good of us all, and if you ask me
what Gus Dur's grade is during the year he is governing the
country, I would say he fails most subjects," Amien said as
quoted recently by Antara.

"I am evaluating him on his administration's performance in
economic and security affairs. Our security is becoming even
worse, the horizontal conflicts involving different ethnic
groups, religions and other groups are increasing.

In the economic field, the crisis is continuing. When Gus Dur
assumed the presidency, the rupiah was 7,300 to the US dollar, it
is now almost 9,000.

I am also concerned about the threat of disintegration,
something which is very dangerous and is becoming more apparent
in Aceh and Irian Jaya.

I am calling on all components of the nation to review whether
all of the policies of Gus Dur up to now are on the right track.
If his administration is considered good, then it should be
supported; if his government is messy, then (people) should take
a stance against it.

We must ask our own conscience, if it says Gus Dur's
administration is messy, we really have to take a stance. If it
is good, then we can go on.

Personally, I think that much is lacking with his
administration, but I am hoping that I am wrong in this case.

Dewi Fortuna Anwar, a political observer with the Habibie
Center, on Abdurrahman Wahid's frequent overseas trips and their
effectiveness to gain support for domestic purposes:

"Gus Dur's political communication is quite good, but if the
domestic institution is not strong then all those overseas trips
will not bear fruit, especially in term of economic recovery,"
Dewi said in Surabaya as quoted by Antara recently.

"Because there's no security in the country, no follow-up from
those overseas trips can materialize.

"Under the New Order, Soeharto's domestic institutions were
strong so his policies were applied smoothly. Now, there is no
such institutionalization, so Gus Dur formulates his own foreign
policies -- namely to help curb separatism, to increase efforts
for economic recovery, and to build democratization.

"But those policies are not effective because he fails to
visit relevant countries; rather he makes visits
indiscriminately. For instance, after winning several agreements
in Washington, Gus Dur went to Cuba. So of course those
agreements became nothing because the US does not see eye to eye
with Cuba.

In addition, Gus Dur's remarks abroad are often seen as
official statements of the government of Indonesia. But, because
within the country the institutions are not supportive of those
statements, the (international world's) confidence declines.

Mochtar Mas'oed, a political scientist at the Gadjah Mada
University in Yogyakarta:

Gus Dur's overseas trips in the earlier stage of his
presidency were something that we could understand; they were
needed to convince the international world of the presence of a
new leader with a new vision," Mochtar said as quoted by Antara.

"But now we can't say, because we can't understand what his
agenda is in making those trips, because he himself does not
explain it to the public. His policies then get only partial
responses from the public.

Really, if Gus Dur wants to have his overseas trips to have
influence over domestic policies, he should tell the public about
his agenda.

Ita Herawati, a 24-year-old fruits vendor in Jl. Godean,
Yogyakarta:

I haven't seen any significant progress in Gus Dur's
administration so far. The economic condition is just as bad as
when the economic crisis first hit the country. The political
condition is just the same. I am afraid that if nothing is done
about it, the state will go bankrupt.

What concerns me the most is the way Gus Dur easily chooses
someone and dismisses another from his cabinet. I don't see it as
a wise thing. He seems to easily accept other's suggestions in
doing so. He should make up his mind and choose the right persons
for the right positions. That way would avoid hiring too many
persons from his own circles.

Kus Indarwati, 47, a housewife in Pakuncen village,
Yogyakarta:

Gus Dur, as far as I have noticed, has not yet led his
administration well. The fact that he fired numerous government
officials whom he himself chose proves this. As a result, the
country's security condition is uncontrollable. I don't know
whether it is related, but every time he dismissed officials
there was always a bombing incident. None probed thoroughly.

Such a government is indeed a messy one. He runs the state any
way he wants. He should consult other people before hiring or
firing government officials. I am afraid that if nothing is done
about it, violence will break out everywhere. And it's always us,
the small people, who suffer the most. This country could just
fall apart.

Regarding staple food prices, they have risen, but they are
still affordable. Yet, once the price increases are uncontrolled,
I'm afraid we will no longer be able to buy them. The point is,
Gus Dur has to mend his ways. If he cannot do so, someone else
better replace him.

Charles Himawan, a legal expert at the University of Indonesia
and member of the National Commission on Human Rights:

Let's not grade him, I don't feel comfortable with that. But
it seems to me that Gus Dur is not yet convinced about how
important law enforcement is.

It is true that if we speak about law enforcement, we're in
for a long discussion, because it concerns (many people) from the
police, the prosecutors, the court ... But there are three stages
(of improvement) that can be undertaken: immediate, middle-term
and long-term. Really, in the immediate term, Gus Dur should have
strengthened our judiciary.

Remember how Gus Dur once said he was looking for "clean"
judges (in a bid to ensure clean court proceedings)? Well, this
is my suggestion (for an immediate solution in Jakarta). Place
three judges in the district court: one career judge who has the
technical knowledge to act as presiding judge, and two noncareer
judges to make up the team. Employ such a team for cases with
direct economic impact such as Bank Bali scam or Buloggate. Do
the same with the high court.

I don't think it would be that difficult to find six clean and
good judges. I would also suggest that the judges be allowed to
have dissenting opinions when preparing for a verdict. Whichever
judge has a different opinion from the other two should be given
the opportunity to express his opinion.

In order to facilitate such a proceeding, the government must
cooperate with the House of Representatives by preparing the
relevant laws rather than, time and again, resorting to (ad hoc)
decrees. Just add one clause in the law on judicial institutions
(to cover the suggested change). For example, within these one or
two years, establish provisions that allow the teaming up of one
career judge with two noncareer judges.

But cooperation between the government and the legislators is
imperative. Otherwise, this won't work. Just look at what happens
at the commercial court.

The middle-term stages would be implementing such change in
other cities and regions. The long-term would a review of a
number of laws, including the law on judicial institution.

Slamet Rahardjo, noted director and former actor:

Gus Dur has paid scant attention to the film industry. (But)
in some cases, he visited some artists when they were ill. This
shows, at least, that he does care about film industry, and we,
the people in the industry, feel that he gives us hope.

But there is no real action. We need some sort of new
institution or board to empower the national film industry.

Gus Dur and also (Vice President) Megawati have indicated that
they are willing to support the establishment of such a board,
but we are still waiting for them to follow up (on this). The
government is expected to financially support this independent
board, but the financial support would gradually be reduced.
That's why it would be called "an empowerment board" for the film
industry.

We are promoting the notion of a draft bill on film to be
introduced along with the Broadcast Law, but (for that) we would
need government support.

Arist Merdeka Sirait, executive director of the National
Commission for Child Protection (Komnas PA):

(Abdurrahman Wahid's) government has not paid serious
attention to efforts to improve children's welfare.

I don't think Gus Dur is sensitive to the issue of children
and their education and health. So far he and the other members
of the political elite are busy with their own political
interests. They enjoy showing "political violence" and let
children watch them.

We can see that children face even more serious problems. The
budget for education, for instance, is only 1.4 percent of the
gross national product. The figure is much lower than that of
Bangladesh (2.6 percent), which we presume to be socially and
politically worse off than Indonesia.

There are presently some seven million to 9.1 million children
who cannot pursue an education. This is due to this misled
concept that we hold, that education is compulsory. We have to
change this. Education is the right of children. The government
therefore must provide adequate facilities and a proper budget.

Pratikno, a military and political observer at Gadjah Mada
University in Yogyakarta:

Gus Dur has succeeded in luring the military away from
practical, daily politics without creating too much of an uproar
in the process. This is a commendable achievement.

The recent changes such as the replacement of officials in the
Indonesian Military (TNI) and National Police (Polri) also
indicate that Gus Dur is able to control the military and police
effectively. The changes also indicate that he is able to
establish a new political culture where the civilians hold
supremacy over the military. This certainly is important and
should be appreciated.

But all these new changes will remain effective only if Gus
Dur is also able to provide space for the military to be more
professional. This of course requires large funds so that
military activities do not resort to nonbudgetary funds.

Certainly this poses a dilemma for Gus Dur, because the state
is currently short of money (while having to face another
difficult option of) taking over the military's businesses. But
(taking over the military's businesses) is the only way.

The (legal provisions) on nonbudgetary funds must be
clarified, and this does not only concern military businesses but
also other parties' businesses. This is important to eradicate
the traditions of corruption, double-salaries and double-funding.

If the military is allowed to continue to control economic
activities, I am really concerned that this might harm their
professionalism in the future. It will also make it even more
difficult for civilian politicians to hold military personnel
accountable.

I Nyoman Moena, senior banker:

I have not seen much progress in the economic sector (after
Abdurrahman Wahid's first year in the presidency). In fact, a lot
of setbacks have taken place.

Inflation this year is now estimated to be more than the 7
percent initial target.

The rupiah's exchange rate is currently at about Rp 8,800 per
U.S. dollar which is also far beyond the target level of Rp
7,500.

In terms of economic growth, consumption has played a major
role instead of investment. This is not a genuine growth.

So judging by the economic indicators, there have been a lot
of setbacks during the administration of Gus Dur.

Gus Dur's administration lacks seriousness in dealing with the
country's economic problems. The administration is too much
focused on the political field when in fact economic problems
here deserve top priority from the President (team).