China can't keep love-hate relations

Hidehito Fujiwara, The Asahi Shimbun, Tokyo

Just last month, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao described Sino- Japanese relations as the most important bilateral relationship for China.

However, Japanese who watched TV images of the weekend protests against Japan in China cannot be blamed if they doubt the accuracy of Wen's description.

For Japanese wondering if China is truly pushing a policy of emphasizing closer ties with Japan or if it is actually anti- Japanese, the answer is Beijing always uses both stances simultaneously in its dealings with Tokyo.

Chinese leaders have emphasized close ties with Tokyo because they cannot afford to ignore Japan, the world's second largest economy. That stance has continued for the quarter-century since China embarked on economic reform.

At the same time, Beijing has fueled anti-Japanese sentiment with its long-held policy of inculcating Chinese youth about China's victory over Japan in World War II. The lessons tend to focus on the atrocities committed during Japan's invasion of the country.

Japan's own views of history, especially concerning World War II, have served as catalysts for touching off that anti-Japanese sentiment.

But the current anti-Japanese sentiment in China emerges not only from issues of the past, but is also entangled with issues related to the future.

Many of the protesters over the weekend were critical of Japan's bid to gain a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Such a move would affect the dynamics of bilateral relations between Japan and China.

Younger Chinese have become more confident in the face of their country's amazing economic achievements. For them, a change in Sino-Japanese relations caused by an expanded Security Council is more important than issues related to the past, for example, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits to Yasukuni Shrine.

Complicating the situation is the fact that this year marks the 60th anniversary of the end of World War II and, for China, the defeat of Japan.

Another concern is that the violent acts against the Japanese Embassy in Beijing indicate a growing inability of the Chinese leadership to grasp the depth of discontent among the public.

Six years ago, demonstrations against the U.S. Embassy were much more violent than those over the past weekend. Chinese protesters in 1999 vented their anger at the NATO bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, which led to casualties among Chinese officials.

After a few days of protests, Hu Jintao, then China's vice president, went on state television to call for securing social stability.

In a similar manner, Chinese authorities have been slow to crack down on the anti-Japanese protesters, although tighter measures will likely be taken in the near future if the authorities feel a threat to social stability.

But amid a rising surge of nationalism, Chinese youth may turn increasingly to the Internet and e-mail if they do not find the Communist Party-controlled media to their liking.

China implemented an educational policy emphasizing patriotism and state control of the media to achieve stability. However, that very policy may have sown the seeds for instability among the Chinese public.

The problem facing China's leaders may be much deeper than they realize.